Campaign Update – Banning of Black British English at Ark All Saints Academy

On Monday 11th October we received a short letter from Principal Lucy Frame at Ark All Saints Academy in response to our open letter sent on 7th October. We were disappointed that the letter was generic and that it failed to respond to any of the points we raised in our detailed letter. 

The Academy’s letter stated that in response to the media attention, the term “banned words” has been changed to “Different forms of communication”. It is our understanding that with the new title the Academy will continue to police the use of Black British English (BBE) through an indirect ban.  The Academy’s response continues to make reference to BBE as informal language and claim that it undermines students’ ability to be heard or understood. Not only has there been a lack of acknowledgement from the academy to the harm it caused `Black British English speakers, the Academy’s decision to continue the policing of Black British English shows a failure to recognise the real issues and real-life implications caused by their institutionalised linguistic practices. 

We believe the ongoing denial of the legitimacy of BBE as its own language will ostracise Black pupils, and in turn have a negative impact on their racial and self-esteem alongside a sense of belonging which will, in turn, impact their educational experience.

If you are a student or teacher at the Academy and are affected by this policy, we would love to hear from you and provide further support and information. Please contact oyin@blamuk.org.

Exploring Black Languages, a quick look at AAVE (African American Vernacular English)

By Temi Oyenuga

Surely, you’ve heard of the words ‘bae’… ‘lit’… ‘trippin’, ‘what’s good’.

In your music, on social media, or maybe just in everyday conversation.

But have you ever stopped to wonder where these words actually come from?

The renowned lingo forms part of a language called AAVE.

For those who don’t know, AAVE is short for ‘African American Vernacular English’ and is a language created by African Americans. This language also falls within a body of work known as ‘Ebonics’- “Ebony” deriving from the word ‘Black’ and “phonics” derives from the word ‘sound’. ‘

According to Mr. Williams, the definition of Ebonics is:

…the linguistic and paralinguistic features which on a concentric continuum represents the communicative compentencee of the West African, Caribbean, and United States idioms, patois, argots, ideolects, and social forces of black people…Ebonics derives its form from ebony(black) and phonics(sound, study of sound) and refers to the study of the language of black people in all its cultural uniqueness. 

AAVE is part of the long history of Black languages; it is a system of sounds, words and sentence structures with strong African semantics. So when speakers know AAE, they know a system of sounds, word and sentence structure, meaning and structural organization of vocabulary items and other information.

Try out these AAVE sentences!

“Stay”

(1) Live, abide in a place. (2) To frequent a place. (3) To engage in activity frequently. (4) To be in some emotional state on most occasions. (5) Stay being used in the habitual

(1) I stay on New Orleans Street.

=   I live on New Orleans Street.

(2) She stay in that bathroom.

=   She’s always in the bathroom.

 (3) She stay running.

=   She’s always running.

(4) He stay in the air.

=   He’s a frequent flyer; he travels by airplane regularly.

(5) He stay angry.

=   He’s always angry.

“Be”

(1) To be in a continuing state.

“He be mad.”

“Girl, he be talkin’ all the time.”

“It be like, looking all funny and stuff any time I put ‘em in the dryer”

AAVE has pervaded much of popular mainstream culture and, like many other attributes of Black culture, it is rarely ever credited for its origins.

AAVE + Its Origins

Black languages came out of the experience of enslaved African and their descendents in the Diaspora.

West Africans – who were enslaved in the Americas – were forced to understand English on plantations. Newly enslaved West Africans would have limited access to learn to speak English and there were laws in place that forbade them from being taught to read English. There were also policies and laws in place, which ensured that enslaved Africans were not allowed to speak in their mother tongue.

The roots of this African American language further lie in the resistance to the above oppression.

The resistance movement is where enslaved African American created a coded way in which they spoke that relied on the grammatical understanding they had from Africa. It also relied on other techniques like using negative words to describe positive things so the white slave owners would not be able to understand them when they spoke to each other. Thus, AAVE was a speech created as a communication system by Black people unintelligible to speakers of the dominant white class.

The shared Black experience has resulted in common language practices in the African Diaspora. AAVE is just one of many examples of this.

Black speech has historically been mislabelled by mainstream White culture as broken forms of English or “slang”. However, these misconceptions are wrong and steeped heavily in negative, racist and colonialists views around “Blackness”.

AAVE is not “slang”.

AAVE is a language distinguished from English’s traditional grammatical and phonetic structure. It is steeped in the richness of Black culture and has strong ancestral roots.

And strong influences too.

Words like ‘bae’, which were originally concentrated in the Black South, had spread through much of the urban areas in the Midwest, before eventually spreading across the country to the Northeast and the West, too.

Well, why is this relevant?

Linguistic Appropriation of AAVE

Simple. Language appropriation.

Language appropriation is when a non-Black person, company or brand steals a language preserved uniquely for one ethnic group and strips it entirely of its context.

Many words and phrases, originating from AAVE have made their way into the local vernacular with words like ‘bae’ and ‘lit’ being used commonly by our White and non- Black counterparts.

And no, this is not “appreciation”.

A lot of times, AAVE will go mainstream without people ever knowing where the language actually comes from.

As Black cultural expressions function as symbols of Black identity and solidarity, White and Non-Black people’s imitation of AAVE dilutes the heritage and cultural significance of this language.

Additionally, AAVE is a dialect that is typically deemed as an unacceptable way of speaking but becomes perceived as ‘trendy’ and ‘cool’ once White people imitate the language.

White people can also use AAVE when it benefits them (e.g. in urban spaces) and dispose of it when it is no longer convenient.

Even mass media groups capitalise off of AAVE and play a major role in the process of appropriation.

Language policing + Code switching

However, many Black folks who genuinely speak this way do not have the privilege of switching between two dialects. Instead, we, as Black people, are often looked down upon and seen as “uneducated” or “informal” for using AAVE.

It is very common for Black people to sometimes internalise these beliefs, which leads to conflicts within ourselves about our identity. It also causes us to code switch; this is when Black people switch their mode of communication to adapt to the setting they are in. Code switching is commonly seen in professional settings and is viewed as a necessary tool for survival in these spaces.

Let me explain to you why code switching is bad.

First, it causes Black people to develop a negative bias towards their own language.

Black people may also, consciously or subconsciously, display feelings of cultural shame around their language. These behaviours reinforce anti-blackness and perpetrate the idea that “whiteness” is supreme and ultimately the standard.

As Black people, many of us are most comfortable when using AAVE in any setting. 

Many of us can still recall instances in own lives where we have shielded away from using our language? 

Maybe at school or at work? 

Instances where you’ve adapted your mode of speech to appear “better” or “smarter”?

But think for a minute.

And assess… What ideas am I reinforcing when I do this?

As Black people, it is difficult for us to challenge these negative assumptions on AAVE because we are conditioned within a white supremacist society to internalise racism and demonise our language and culture.

But, listen.

AAVE is a legitimate language and should be recognised as such.

So, don’t be pressed y’all about any misconceptions around AAVE.

Be proud of your language, rock it, and embrace it!

Press Release – BLAM Calls for the Immediate Reversal of a South London School’s Decision to Ban Black British English from the Classroom

Black Learning Achievement and Mental Health 

www.blamuk.org

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE – THURSDAY 8 OCTOBER 2021

BLAM UK Press Release: Leading Black Organisation Calls for the Immediate Reversal of a South London School’s Decision to Ban Black British English from the classroom.

A South London Secondary School, Ark All Saints Academy, has banned the use of Black British English (BBE) in ‘formal learning settings’. Black Learning Achievement and Mental Health UK CIC (BLAM UK), a grassroots organisation, is calling for the immediate reversal of this decision to ban the use of Black British English (BBE). The policy degrades and harms Black students by reinforcing anti-Black linguistic racism, classism, and an ideology of white supremacy by reinforcing elitist forms of English as the “norm” whilst simultaneously othering and criminalising BBE.

Black British English (BBE) is a legitimate language and form of expression. BBE is the intersection between African, Caribbean, and white mainstream English and has its own syntactic and grammatical structure. Alison Donell states, ‘creole in Britain has since become the language of Afro-Caribbean and, more generally of Black youth culture.’ The creolization of these languages has a long history dating back to African enslavement by European powers and the American and Caribbean plantation systems, where enslaved Africans were forced to create alternative ways of communication. The white imperialist agenda stigmatised these languages to reinforce their racist view that Black people are inferior.

According to a Guardian analysis, Black students are between three to four times more likely to be excluded from school than their white counterparts. This disparity is clear evidence of institutional racism in British schools and the banning of BBE will likely intensify this figure further. The blatant privileging of whiteness and white middle-class identity is discriminatory and damning to Black students that already suffer from societal and institutional marginalisation. Would this infringement on Black children’s learning also extend to classroom material like Black British writers such as Benjamin Zephaniah and Linton Kwesi Johnson whose work would no longer be in line with school policies?

‘Code-Switching’ is the practice of policing Black individuals’ ways of speaking, acting, and interacting with white people and culture. This level of cultural policing is being institutionalised by this school and is being enforced on children. This creates a climate of fear, confusion, and low racial and self-esteem for Black students who should be celebrated for their bilingualism. This hinders creativity and expression by preventing Black students from normalizing BBE in spaces where it is fundamental, such as in various music, art, intellectual and other cultural spaces. There is no data to support the notion that the use of BBE hinders the educational achievement of Black students, children are able to navigate the duality of their language, it is the institutionally racist education system that is in fact the hindrance. 

Not only is this clear anti-Black racism, but this is also unlawful and violates the Equality Act 2010, The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), The Education Act 2002 and lastly The UN Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.

BLAM UK rejects the guise of whiteness on Black language and culture and demands:

  1. The reversal of the policy with immediate effect.
  2. Ensure staff attend professional training on language discrimination.
  3. An adjustment of existing school policies to honour BBE and other languages used by students from Black backgrounds.

Founding Director of BLAM UK Ife Thompson says: 

The implementation of this policy reinforces the ideology of the inferiority of Black languages linking to the historically racist and imperialist view of Black people as ‘less than.’ BLAM rejects the guise of ‘professionalism and preparation for the future’ as explanations provided by the school for the ban. There are Black professional work spaces that would require fluency in BBE. We also need to think deeply about the historical implications of what we deem to be ‘proper’ English. 

Please contact: 

oyin@blamuk.org or hello@blamcharity.co.uk for further comments. 

Sources:

https://www.google.com/amp/s/amp.theguardian.com/education/2021/mar/24/exclusion-rates-black-caribbean-pupils-england

https://www.theguardian.com/education/2021/sep/30/oh-my-days-linguists-lament-slang-ban-in-london-school

BLAM UK’s Open Letter to Ark All Saints Academy

Open Letter to:

All Saints School Academy 

140 Wyndham Rd,

London,

SE5 0UB

By Email Only                                                                                                      07 October 2021

Dear Ms Lucy Frame,

Re: Banning and Policing of the Use of Black British English  

This is a letter from Black Learning Achievement and Mental Health (“BLAM”), a Black grassroots organisation that supports the Black Community in the UK under three limbs: cultural education, advocacy and wellbeing. 

In a very short summary, we have a shared commitment to advocating on anti-Black racism/ injustice with particular concern for the impacts of these injustices on the wellbeing of Black communities and/or safeguarding the legal rights of members of our community. More detail  can be found about BLAM here

Fundamentally, we write to raise our concerns with your “banned” language list and demand that you reverse this policy with immediate effect as it is unlawful, racially discriminatory and harmful. We state this for the three following reasons:

  1. It harms the racial esteem and in turn well-being of Black children 
  2. It reproduces and normalises Anti-Black Linguistic Racism
  3. It is not in line with the Equality Act 2010, The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) and The Education Act 2002. 

We note from The Guardian Newspaper, that Your Academy wants to ensure its students thrive in all areas of life. We hope to work constructively with you and your senior leadership team to address this issue and to ensure that your students’ rights are respected going forwards. 

History of the Black British English Language

Oxford Dictionary defines language as 

the principal method of human communication, consisting of words used in a structured and conventional way and conveyed by speech, writing, or gesture.”

Black British English (‘BBE’) is a language and a form of expression. BBE is sometimes incorrectly referred to as ‘slang’. BBE is the intersection between African and Caribbean languages and white mainstreamed English. The creolisation of these various languages was initially recognised as Black British Creole, but today is also referred to as Black British English. BBE has its own syntactic and grammatical structure which is different to white mainstreamed English. Recognising this language as slang or ‘poor English’ is harmful and degrading in particular to the identity of Black students who use this language. It can also lead to the internalisation of negative perceptions about themselves and their fellow language speakers.We explain this below.

The freedom to use and embrace BBE is crucial. When describing the progression of Black British culture author Alison Donnell states

 “Creole in Britain has since become the language of Afro-Caribbean and, more generally of Black youth culture.” 

Negative attitudes towards BBE is a widely studied and well-known area amongst linguists and scholars. Professor Vivian Edwards as far back as 1979 conducted a study that highlighted linguistic misconceptions and negative attitudes towards Black Creoles historically. She noted Black Creoles have been strongly associated with disadvantage and not recognised as a distinct language. Another 1979 study showed Creole as an “integral part” of a Black person’s identity. 

Banning this language in formal environments amounts to institutionalised code-switching, with the acceptance of punishment as a given, if not adhered to. It is of note that in the UK Black Children are already over-punished within the education system; they remain 3 times more likely to be excluded from school than their white counterparts. We at BLAM UK along with many Linguistic Activists reject code-switching because it places whiteness and white mainstream English on a pedestal while showcasing Blackness and Black Language as inferior, lesser, and secondary. Instead, we encourage, utilise, and elevate the beauty and brilliance in Blackness and Black Language. The American academic April Baker-Bell explains that Black students 

” – – are being asked to switch their language, their cultural way of being and knowing, their community, their blackness in favour of a white middle-class identity.”  

We reject the guise of professionalism and preparation for the future as explanations for the ban. The exclusive application of the policy to formal learning settings reinforces the ideology of the inferiority of Black languages. This links back to historically racist and imperialist views of Black people that position us as less than. It also doesn’t allow for the normalisation of the fact that some Black students may be going to work in Black spaces like music, arts, journalism, film and other cultural spaces. These are spaces that would require them to be fluent and well versed in Black British English. It is in fact:​​ “super ironic that Black English speech is dismissed and devalued as being linguistically broken, and at the same time is one of the richest sources of lexical innovation in English”. It should be treated and celebrated as such in all spaces. 

The Equality Act 2010

The Equality Act 2010 (‘EA 2010) imposes a number of legal obligations on the workplace, public bodies and wider society to protect against unlawful discrimination on the grounds of “protected characteristics” which include race and ethnicity.

Section 13 of the EA 2010 prohibits direct discrimination based on a protected characteristic.

Section 19 prohibits indirect, which includes policies that are seemingly harmless, but disproportionately affect any group because of their protected characteristic.

Section 149 places a Public Sector Equality Duty on authorities exercising a public function. In doing so, they must to have due regard to 

  1. eliminate discrimination, harassment, victimisation and any other conduct that is prohibited by or under this Act;
  2. advance equality of opportunity between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it;
  3.  foster good relations between persons who share 

Therefore, if your current policy does not allow for the lawful exercise of Black British English, a Black language, in the learning space, then that policy is unlawful. Black children who are bilingual speakers and those who speak Black British English as a second language will be indirectly more affected by this ban than their racial counterparts who do not speak this language. The ban disproportionately notes words used by Black British English speakers. Any decisions taken in the application of the policy must be proportionate and in accordance with the law, including that set out above.

Education Act 2002

Section 78 of the 2002 Education Act which applies to all maintained schools states; 

General requirements in relation to curriculum:

  1. The curriculum for a maintained school or maintained nursery school satisfies the requirements of this section if it is a balanced and broadly based curriculum which—
  1. promotes the spiritual, moral, cultural, mental and physical development of pupils at the school and of society, and
  2. prepares pupils at the school for the opportunities, responsibilities and experiences of later life.

Academies are also required to offer a broad and balanced curriculum in accordance with Section 1 of the 2010 Academies Act.

The current Language ban does not allow Black British Students to have access to an educational curriculum that accounts for their bilingualism. They are instead punished for speaking two languages which instead harms the cultural development of pupils at the school. Language mastery should not solely be limited to white manistreamed English; children should have the option within their learning environment to become well versed in language that they and their peers regularly use. If the school was promoting a broad and balanced Educational curriculum they would have a language curriculum that is in line with the Education Act 2002, s.78 (1b) that prepares them for opportunities and experiences in later life as Black- British English speakers. 

It is also of note that the decision to ban Black British English from the learning space would mean that the works of Black British Poets like Benjamin Zephaniah and Linton Kwesi Johnson could no longer be studied within classrooms at your school. Benjamin Zephaniah is a poet that has been widely read and studied in schools across the UK. 

If the school was acting in line with its duty to provide a broad and balanced education, Black Language would be acknowledged and studied within the current curriculum. In providing a broad and balanced education teachers must engage their students with an understanding of anti-Black linguistic racism whilst providing them with the tools to have the agency to critically decide when to use their language, whilst giving them an understanding of the current white linguistic hegemonies in society and ways in which they can disrupt and dismantle this.

UN Convention on the Rights of the Child

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, in which the young people at your Academy are individual rights holders under, emphasises the importance of minority children being able to enjoy their own culture or use their own language (Article 30).

The Convention highlights minority groups as including linguistic minorities. 

The BBE words identified on the list allow for expression, personality and creativity. Subsequently, enabling Black students to enjoy their own culture. While a distinction was made by the headteacher in the Guardian article that this policy will not apply to “general use” and “social interactions” the article does not stipulate there is a limitation as to when the culture may be enjoyed.

As a Public Body the school should be promoting the enjoyment of international children’s rights within its learning environment, the current school policy directly prohibits this for Black British English speakers.

Conclusion 

We invite the school to use the current experience as a chance to promote the understanding of the culture and history of Black people. Especially, given the present timeliness of Black History Month. Our organisation BLAM UK would be happy to assist in a collaboration to educate as to Black British English and heritage and find ways your school can promote linguistic justice.

BBE is a rich language and a form of expression amongst Black children in particular. The association of this language with ‘slang’ and seeing those using the language as unable to articulate clearly and accurately is racist. The ban of a language used primarily amongst Black students is disproportionate and is incompatible with the Equality Act 2010 and Education Act 2002. Further, the ban amounts to a gross failure to comply with the Public Sector Equality Duty under s.149 EA 2010. Finally, it appears that the policy is contrary to your own policy and ethos as well as the school’s common goals.

Please, therefore:

  1. Reverse the policy with immediate effect;
  2. Ensure staff attend professional training on language discrimination;
  3. Adjust your existing school policy to honour BBE and other languages used by students from Black backgrounds.

We are open to collaborating with your school and provide appropriate training and education on Black British English and heritage and find ways your school can promote linguistic justice.

In the event that this letter is ignored, we will have no option but to take further action in regard to this matter.

Yours faithfully,

Black Learning Achievement and Mental Health (BLAM UK)

Queenie Djan,  Barrister
Roxy Legane,  Kids of Colour
Temi Mwale, The 4Front Project
Jodi-Ann Johnson – Teacher
Florencr Cole, Solicitor at Just for Kids Law
Andréa Hounto, Lawyer
Eve Doran, BLAM UK
Ife Thompson, BLAM UK Founder, UN Fellow and Lawyer
Pamilerin, Cultural Worker
Patricia Daley,  Lawyer
Kayleigh Broughton, Consultant Social Worker
Daria Karim, Doctor
Chris Daley,  Engineer
Donna Guthrie, BARAC UK Women’s Officer
Zehrah Hasan, Barrister, Garden Court Chambers
London Bell, UN African Descent Fellow, OHCHR – United States
Zita Holbourne, National Chair and Co-founder BARAC UK
Fatima Jichi, Barrister, Garden Court Chambers
Tinu Adeshile, Solicitor
Dr Feryal Ryan, Kings College London
Grace Saunders, Trainee Teacher
Akil Hunte, Trainee Solicitor
Ayo Sosanya, Solicitor
Olamide Ogunrinade, Barrister
Janice Browne, Therapist
Benedicte Balande, Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer
Cyrilia Knight, Partner
Ikram Warsame, Global Black Collective Institute, Human Rights Lawyer Canada
Brenda Efurhievwe, Lawyer
Dr Feryal Ryan, Kings College London
Oyin Makinde, BLAM UK
Monty Onanuga, Banker
Jon Lewis-Darke, Every Interaction 
Zachary Whyte, Solicitor, BPLS
Maria Uzor, Artist
Sonia Larbi-Aissa, Paralegal
Carlene Jones, Student Mentor
Justin’s Obaoye-Ajala, Kentyna Solicitors
Farheen Ahmed, Paralegal)
Nicole Modeste – Solicitor
Jessica Perera, Oxford University
Omowammidokun – Mental Health Support Worker
Rachel P, LSWU
Phoebe Sally Fisher, BLAM UK
Tsungai Chikwanha, BLAM UK
Yashna Patel BPLS
Charlie Sharp, GARA alumni
Jessa Mockridge, Goldsmiths Library
Edain Bradley, Student
Rita Rasheed, BLAM UK
Sepphiah Barrett, Studio Assistant
Victoria Eyabunoh, General Adviser
Sophie Taylor, Baby People UK
Princess Gayle, Actor
Bernice Ackah, Lawyer
Niya Namfua, BLAM UK
Ciara Bowen, Red Fightback, Student
Lauren Desjardins, Stage Manager
Charmel Koloko, Hackney CVS
Khallum Caller – HCVS – Youth Leader
Neil Barrett, Rackspace Windows Operations Engineer
Deborah Martins – Paralegal
TOFUNMI DA’COSTA KINGS COLLEGE LONDON
Joshua O’Connor – Software Engineer
Laura Siebenhaar, student Goldsmiths UoL
Jamila Thompson – Educator/Researcher
Samuel Fisher – PhD student
Student at Goldsmiths College
Sarah Adejuwon
Emily Rose Budinger, Southern Rail
Grant McPhillips: Red Fightback
Lyndon Walters I-Coach
Hazel Faye Davis, AudioActive – Youth Worker
Abigail Asante, Hackney CVS , Youth leader/musician
Corinna Ritch BLAM UK
RH – Red Fightback
Jodyfindley Lecturer
Emmanuel Akin. Political Lead (YoungPeople) Hackney
Sheine Alexander, Employee Engagement Manager
Jacalynn Ryder RFB
Daniele James, Community worker.
Gabriel Okafor – Student, Goldsmiths University of London
Eva Goodwin, Student at Goldsmiths
Julia Evans, Student at University of Edinburgh
Dominika Lloyd-Brown, Asset Management Intern
Zahra Abdi
Sam Glasper – Red Fightback, IWW, UCU, ACORN
Angela Sun, student
Rahma Musd
Lynn Holden
Ellie Walton, Goldsmiths College
James Foster, Teacher
Juhi Patel, King’s College London, Student
Ashleigh Thompson-Brown, Fertility Nurse
Matthew Hayhow, Collections Associate
Clover Lewis-Darke
Damon Hotz
James Cuttell
Luke Sullivan
Prisca Miansiantima
A Ahmed
Jon Lewis-Darke, Every Interaction
Ms C Lewis-Darke
Jane Morris, Playwright
Juliana Amaa
Matthew Lee, NEU member
Georgina Hodges
Imma Koigi. Health Promotions Programme Coordinator
Siobhan Daley
Davina Dhallu
Riana Meli Browne
Jesse Gilbert
Deborah Reavey

The historic significance of community-based collective action in decolonising education By Eve Doran

The discourse around decolonising education has been brought to the public stage in recent years. Activists, academics, educators, parents, and students alike have voiced their concerns about the whitewashing of British history and anti-Blackness in all levels of education.  

An important early initiative towards the decolonising the curriculum movement as we know it today that tackled anti-blackness and racism in schools was the ESN (Educationally Sub-Normal) campaign, spearheaded largely by Black mothers roused by Bernard Coard’s exposé ‘How the West Indian Child is Made Educationally Sub-Normal in the British Education System’. [1] Teacher prejudice placed Black children in specific schools for the so-called educationally sub-normal, the stories of these children have been brought to light in the recent BBC documentary ‘Subnormal: A British Scandal’. Western scientific theories about race and intelligence developed to justify the colonial subjugation of African peoples ensured that, for many Black children, going through the UK school system in the sixties was a traumatising experience. School textbooks compounded the negative stereotypes and racist beliefs held by many teachers and their low expectations for Black pupils affected pupils’ performance, reifying the misconceptions. Black parents’ anger towards these injustices fuelled a collective community response that gave rise to The Black Parents movement and the Black Supplementary School movement.[2] Radical book publishers Eric and Jessica Huntley formed the Black Parents Movement in 1975 following the assault and arrest of 17 year old Black schoolboy Cliff McDaniel. The Caribbean Education and Community Workers Association (CECWA), of which Eric and Jessica Huntley were founding members, was the first specialist Black education group to have been established in the UK. The Huntleys were key figures in the grassroots campaigns that fought for the British African-Caribbean community. They were also involved with a movement organised by the North London West Indian Association (NLWIA) that challenged Haringey Council’s plan to assess all pupils using IQ tests, which are now discredited.[3] Community action must always be centered in discussions about decolonisation, the mobilisation of the Black community provided young people with learning that would not only supplement their schooling but that would instil in them a sense of pride and identity.

Photo credit Jelvon Shadrache

For many reasons, the university has been the primary focal point in decolonisation efforts. The decolonising the university movement has a long transnational history visible in the Negritude movement of Aimé Césaire, Senghor and Damas, African diaspora students’ response to their encounters with racism in French educational institutions, inspired by the Harlem renaissance Negritude asserted Black identity through creative expression. Like the African-American students who during the Black Power era protested and occupied campus buildings in demand for reforms to racist institutional practices. Student activists centred Black experience and studied the knowledge produced by people of African descent in their own experimental universities.[4] Recent student-led campaigns denounce the colonial tradition being upheld by university institutions that retain pillaged treasures from colonised lands and commemorate imperialists and slave traders.[5] Rhodes Must Fall in Oxford addresses Oxford University’s colonial legacy on three levels: colonial iconography such as statues, the selective and Eurocentric narrative of traditional academia, and underrepresentation and lack of welfare support for “BAME” (Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic) staff and students.[6] The UCL Why is my Curriculum White campaign challenged the culturally homogenous curricula across UK universities. Movements advocating the decolonisation of the curriculum vary in the elements they address spanning across different curriculum areas and subjects, stages of education, empires, regions, elements of colonial tradition, there is also not consensus on just one conclusive definition of decolonisation.[7] These movements have been extremely influential and empowered many students to initiate similar campaigns in the universities they attend.

Photo credit Scottie Grills & Zoe Doran

Nakagawa[8] argues that we have located decolonisation within modern knowledge, standards, and norms that are based on colonial ideologies. Therefore, any real decolonising movement must seek to dismantle all colonial legacies, including structures and ideologies that sustain a belief in the superiority of Western knowledge. Lived-experience and community-based knowledge should not be minimised, we need to ask who we trust to tell our stories? The Free Black University maintains that we cannot ‘decolonise something that is built on colonisation itself’. The project offers a space that can produce decolonial knowledge, outside of the confines of the Western university. By providing free, decolonial, accessible education they seek to address the impact coloniality is having on Black mental health. BLAM offer school-based projects and Black history education that takes place within the community. Black narratives should not be additional or alternative, Black history is all of our histories. It is necessary to remember that decolonisation is an ongoing process and involves a deep collective unlearning[9] to divest from colonial practices and beliefs that invisibilise Black Britons contributions to this country and beyond. 

To learn more – 

Read: Heart of the Race: Black Women’s Lives in Britain by Beverley Ryan, Stella Dadzie & Suzanne Scafe – Book

Read: The Black Supplementary School is as Essential as Ever by Fiona Rutherford https://blackballad.co.uk/views-voices/saturday-schools–black-supplementary-schools-movement – Article

Watch: Small Axe (TV mini-series 2020) by Steve McQueen. Episode 5: Education

Watch: Subnormal: A British Scandal (2021 documentary) directed by Lyttanya Shannon

Listen: Pluto Books podcast – Radicals in Conversation: Decolonising the University https://www.plutobooks.com/blog/podcast-decolonising-the-university/ 

Visit: https://www.blackhistorymonth.org.uk/

Sources

[1]Coard, B. (1971). How the West Indian child is made educationally subnormal in the British school system: the scandal of the black child in schools in Britain. London: New Beacon Books.

[2]Bryan, B., Dadzie, S., & Scafe, S. (1993). The heart of the race: black women’s lives in Britain. London, Virago Press.

[3]https://www.blackhistorymonth.org.uk/article/gallery/test-diane-julie-abbott-politician/

[4]Pimblott, K. (2020) Decolonising the University: The Origins and Meanings of a Movement. The Political Quarterly. 91: 1, 210-216. 

[5]Bhambra, G. K., Gebrial, D. & Nisancioglu, K. (2018) Decolonising the University. London: Pluto Press.

[6]Peters, M. A. (2018)Why Is My Curriculum White? A Brief Genealogy of Resistance. In Arday, J. & Mirza, H. S. Dismantling Race in Higher Education: Racism, Whiteness and Decolonising the Academy. Cham: Palgrave MacMillan

[7]Bhambra, G. K., Gebrial, D. & Nisancioglu, K. (2018) Decolonising the University. London: Pluto Press.

[8]Nakagawa, S. (2021) Auto-decolonisation: Lifelong education for decolonization. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR LIFELONG EDUCATION. (ahead-of-print), 1-13. 

[9]Yancy, G. (2008) Black bodies, white gazes: the continuing significance of race. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Pub.

Zero Tolerance policies, a tool that entrenches anti-Blackness in UK Schools

By Ife Thompson

Since the advent of the US-based charter Schools in the early 1990s, there has been a steady increase in UK schools towards the use of zero-tolerance behaviour policies. This is a behavioural policy that increases the likely hood of pupils in general, but Black pupils in particular, of being placed in Pupil Referral Units (PRU) or Alternative Provisions (AP). The abrupt expansion and normalisation of zero-tolerance discipline policies has helped to entrench racist educational outcomes for Black children. This is because zero-tolerance policies severely limit discretion in individual cases, are not in line with equality law and solidifies the removing students from school.

Zero tolerance disciplinary policies warrant particular exploration, firstly because of the racially discriminatory impact it has on Black students, and because of questions regarding their effectiveness and legality.

In this short piece, I will explore how institutionalised racism is furthered and maintained through the education system under the guise of Zero-Tolerance policies. I will draw on secondary data alongside Blam UK’s personal caseload to unpack these points.

Before we begin, I have some explainers for key terms that will be discussed in detail within this piece: 

  • Alternative provision (AP): alternative provision is education for pupils who, because of exclusion, illness or other reasons, would not otherwise receive suitable mainstream education. AP education includes education arranged by schools for pupils on a fixed-term exclusion; and pupils being directed by schools to off-site provision to improve their behaviour.
  • AP academy: PRUs that convert to academy status become AP academies. PRUs can convert on their own, as part of a chain of academies, or with the support of a sponsor.
  • Pupil Referral Unit (PRU): an establishment run by a local authority which is specifically organised to provide education for children who would not otherwise receive it. This can be, for example, because they are excluded or have a mental or physical health condition that means they cannot attend their normal school.
  • Zero Tolerance Policies: Originally developed as an approach to drug enforcement (Skiba & Rausch, 2006), the term became widely adopted in schools in the early 1990s as a philosophy or policy that mandates the application of predetermined consequences, most often se- vere and punitive in nature, that are intended to be applied regardless of the gravity of behavior, mitigating circum- stances, or situational context. 

School exclusions in the UK disproportionately affect Black pupils, the evidence of these disparities is overwhelming and well documented. Just this February, The Guardian found that exclusion rates were five times higher for Black Caribbean pupils in parts of England.

These disproportionate exclusions are being fuelled by the zero-tolerance policies in operation in many UK schools. The use of these policies continues to be anti-Black, in that the headteachers applying these “policies” continue to do so in a manner that holds Black students to a different/ higher standard. Casella (2003) argues, “punishment negatively affects those who are already negatively affected by poverty, racism, academic failure, and other realities”

In all our school exclusion caseloads, we have seen white headteachers approach the exclusions we deal with from a racist standpoint. Many use racial stereotypes to justify the harsh exclusions and then hide behind the notion that the behaviour policy “ties” their hands due to the zero-tolerance approach the school has in place. This is in spite of the fact that all school policies must be read in line with the Statutory School exclusion guidance, which states exclusions must be a last resort. From our direct caseload, we see headteachers use the zero-tolerance policies to showcase that the only option available is a permanent exclusion.

International research from the Global North, can further help us understand the context in which disciplinary processes operate for Black children. A US study found that after controlling for more than 80 individual and school characteristics normally associated with poor academic performance, as well as differences in rates of delinquency and more serious offending, researchers found that Black youth were more likely to be disciplined and more likely to receive harsh discipline (such as out-of-school suspension) when those punishments were discretionary. In the UK, The National Education Union (NEU), have stated that zero-tolerance approaches to discipline were resulting in schoolchildren spending inappropriate and harmful amounts of time in isolation, and that they are “inhumane” and “damaging to pupil mental health”.

Some of the most rigorous research conducted on the subject of zero tolerance shows that out-of-school suspension can severely disrupt a student’s academic progress in ways that have lasting negative consequences. The UK’s Children’s Commissioner stated that “excluding a child makes them much more vulnerable to exploitation by criminal groups, and that currently if a child is excluded their prospects of returning to mainstream education are extremely poor”. This is of concern as the current exclusion system we have in place allows for a two-tier education system to thrive, the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) found that only 4% of excluded pupils pass GCSE English and Maths compared with 64% in mainstream school. These figures cannot be looked at outside of raicalisation, as Black children are overrepresented in exclusion figures and thus in the APs/PRUs themselves, meaning they are disproportionately being afforded inadequate education. Black Caribbean pupils make up 3.9% of children in PRUS whilst only 1.7% of children in Mainstream school. The current school exclusion system is setting Black children up to fail by mainstreaming anti-Black exclusion policies which lead to a high number of Black children accessing an inadequate and inferior educational provision that will not enable them to reach their full potential. 

Furthermore, the long-lasting negative effect of the zero-tolerance approach can be seen within the  ‘PRU-to-prison pipeline’ in London. According to the HM chief inspector of prisons in England and Wales, 89 percent of children in detention from 2017/18 have been excluded from school. This shows a direct link between school exclusions and young people being propelled into the criminal punishment system.

Due to the often lack of transparency with the school exclusion process and the lack of access to legal aid for parents, we are seeing schools get away with the unlawful use of Zero Tolerance policies. A recent report by the Legal charity Justice found ‘School do not often understand their legal duties when it comes to exclusion and that they often use Zero-Tolerance policies in way that amounts to an unlawful fettering of their legal duties’. We are concerned that these zero-tolerance policies not only promote decisions that are irrational, they also enable schools to (unlawfully) by pass their legal duties  under Equality Act s.149 to eliminate discrimination, in the contrary Zero-Tolerance policies further entrench racial discrimination. 

Further, research has found Zero-Tolerance policies  to be Anti-Black. In 2018, Researcher Stephen Hoffman, also found expanding zero tolerance exacerbated already severe racial disparities in school disciplinary outcomes. Such research has led to two US charter school chains that formed some of the biggest inspiration for the growing “no excuses” behaviour culture in England’s schools to review their tough discipline policies in the wake of the George Floyd killing. They stated they are doing this to create more equitable outcomes for Black students. UK Schools need to be attentive to the change in the wind and do away with institutionalised anti-Blackness, by ridding themselves of the constraints of Zero-Tolerance policies.

In order for us to have a more equitable school system school exclusions must be overhauled, in the absence of radical change, schools must stop using zero-tolerance policies altogether. The Government also needs to put safe guards in place to stop Black children from being subject to racist, exclusionary and illegal exclusions that in turn have an adverse effect on their futures and wellbeing. 

We at BLAM UK are campaigning for the total overhaul and subsequent removal of the current discriminatory school exclusions policy in place in England. It is important for schools, professionals and parents to support the important work that is done by other community organisations like Blam UK, No More Exclusions and National Education Union, in the campaign to remove the discriminatory policies in place within UK schools.

The 1969 Harlem Cultural Festival

By Rachael Banahan

On June 25th 2021, the well-anticipated documentary consisting of clips from the Harlem cultural festival ‘Summer of Soul’ (or When the Revolution Could Not Be Televised), was released. There has been much excitement surrounding it, which is likely due to the fact that the unreleased tapes were locked away in a basement for the past half-century. The festival is well known as the ‘Black Woodstock’ since it is widely compared to another more remembered festival by this name in the same year, located near Woodstock in New York. Performer at the festival with the 5th Dimension Marilyn McCoo notably stated ‘Everybody knew about Woodstock but no one knew about the Harlem Cultural Festival’. The 1969 embodies the shift in Black consciousness in African American communities and celebrates the creativity and musical of talent of the Black diaspora.

The festival was filmed with a multi camera television crew by TV hero Hal Tuchin and there were plans for a special broadcast. Despite Tuchin having 40 hours of footage, no distributor was interested in releasing the special. This was due to the lack of interest from white gatekeepers towards Black centred narratives, especially at a time when race relations were tense. Tuchin is quoted as saying that filming the Harlem Cultural Festival was a “peanuts operation because nobody really cared about Black shows”. However, he decided to take part in the production of it in the first place because he “knew it was going to be like real estate and sooner or later someone would have an interest in it”. The success of Summer of Soul has proved the tapes to be just that, with the movie grossing over $1 million dollars so far.

‘Summer of Soul’ documents the diverse nature and rich history of Black music during the tumultuous time for Black people that was 1969. The Harlem Cultural Festival happened a year after Martin Luther King  was assassinated and a year before Fred Hampton was killed. Malcolm X was also assassinated in 1965. The aftermath of losing such intrinsic members of the Black Power and Civil Rights Movement was dire. For example King’s death led to an outpouring of national mourning and anger- riots shortly followed and 40 people lost their lives nationwide. Malcolm X’s death shook the Black community, as over 20,000 people waited in the cold (he died in February) to visit his body at his funeral. The festival also happened right in the middle of the Vietnam War. Despite the Vietnam War being the first fully integrated war to be fought by American soldiers, Black soldiers were treated appallingly- especially after the murder of Dr. King. Soldiers were victim to regular racist attacks such as cross burnings, confederate flag spreading and bathroom graffiting at military bases insinuating that the real enemy were African Americans- not the Vietnamese. Black soldiers were also more likely to be allocated menial jobs, frequently denied promotion and often ignored when attempting to report racial discrimination and abuse. Furthermore, Black men were placed on the frontlines of the Vietnam War at a disproportionate rate. Despite making up only 11% of the population, they made up 23% of combat troops in 1967. Essentially, the Black community was in need of something to lift and guide their spirits towards hope of better things ahead.

The Harlem Cultural Festival was definitely born out of a need for optimism within the Black community after such an unstable time and it also came from a place of cultural reevaluation and a positive shift in Black consciousness. During the summer of ‘68, the word ‘Black’ as opposed to ‘Negro’ was plastered all over Ebony magazine and by the time James Brown’s ‘Say It Loud- I’m Black and I’m Proud’ came out in the October, ‘Black’ was on it’s way to becoming the preferred term in polite society and media outlets. This was a united affirmation that Black people were proud of their skin colour and a complete rejection of slave culture. The Black Panther Party were also fundamental in instilling pride into the Black consciousness of the 60’s and 70’s, with an important element of their 10 point Program (which they based their party values on) being ‘We want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present day society.’Just two years after the BPP was founded, they began ‘serve the people’ campaigns. After recognising the inadequacy of public schools to prepare Black children for life, The Panthers created Liberation Schools and breakfast clubs for the youth as they felt it was important to start with the future leaders of America. There were also educational programs for adults as well, such as nationwide political education classes which began a year before the festival. The Panthers aided Black university students in pledging to their respective universities to reform policy, making their voices heard on campus. The Black consciousness had been awakened with The Panther’s encouragement and created optimum circumstances for the festival to happen.

It comes at no surprise that this joyous space that was needed by Black people was designated to Harlem. The birthplace of the Harlem Renaissance, this neighbourhood in Upper Manhattan was a cultural mecca for Black art and was renowned for initiating better representation of the Black artists themselves through claiming control of their artistic expression. Harlem was an important hub of community values, art, music, innovation and revolution. The family oriented festival took place in Mount Morris Park (now known as Marcus Garvey Park) with a free attendance of more than 300,000 people. From the first concert, the New York Police Department refused to provide security, and so the Black Panthers stepped in to do the job. The NYPD eventually arrived, however the Black Panthers remained overseeing the festival to ensure peace. There were numerous concerts that took place over six weekends, with an impressive roster of artists who performed, including Nina Simone, Stevie Wonder, Sly and the Family Stone, B.B King, Mahalia Jackson, The Staple singers, The 5th Dimension and Gladys Knight and The Pips. Due to this, of course, there was a wide variety of genres played at the concerts, such as Blues, Motown, Gospel, rock, R&B and pop, reflecting the heterogeneous character of Black music. 

The Harlem cultural festival was another example of music being used as an act of resistance against oppression and in celebration of togetherness in the Black community. Nina Simone debuted her song ‘Young, Black and Gifted’ at the festival, a number which inspired hope and pride in the crowds with lyrics such as:

“We must begin to tell our young, there’s a world waiting for you

When you feelin’ really low

Yeah, there’s a great truth that you should know

When you’re young, gifted and Black

Your soul’s intact’’

                     …

“Oh, but my joy of today

Is that we can all be proud to say

“To be young, gifted and Black

Is where it’s at”

Is where it’s at

Is where it’s at

Many genres that were performed at the festival originate from Negro- spiritual music, a type of melody created by enslaved people not only to lift their spirits in dire situations, but to communicate coded messages amongst themselves that would be disguised as joyful singing to plantation owners. For Black people, music is a universal language of revolution, unity and pride, with much of the dancing, singing and spirituality within African-America cultures resembling the practice of African masquerades; entertainment provided by masked performers to invoke ancestral spirits.  Ultimately, the Harlem cultural festival was born out of a need for a safe, liberated, joyful space for Black people in America.

Black languages throughout the Diaspora 

By Sophia Purdy-Moore and Ife Thompson

Black British English, West African Creole, Jamaican Patois and more…

Although Black British people only make up 3% of the UK’s general population, Black British English has had a profound impact on British and global culture. Black British English is a combination of The Jamaican Language (Patois), West African Creole (Pidgin) and Black-British vernacular. The Jamaican Language is derived from West African languages such as Ibo, Yoruba and Mende, as well as English vernacular. Because enslaved Black people who lived on Caribbean plantations often didn’t share a common language, they communicated by using elements of West African languages and English vernacular. They eventually formed a distinctive creolised language – known as ‘patois’ – to express their new experiences and identities as enslaved people in the New World. 

In the postwar period, people from the Caribbean migrated en masse to the UK. The first to arrive travelled on a passenger ship called The Empire Windrush. 802 people from the Caribbean – including 492 Jamaican immigrants – arrived in Tilbury Docks in 1948. Many Caribbean migrants who came to rebuild Britain settled in predominantly working-class areas in industrialised cities such as London, Birmingham and Leeds, along with migrants from India, Bangladesh and Africa. Due to the presence of Caribbean migrants and the popularity of genres of Jamaican music, particularly reggae, Jamaican patois became very influential in the formation of Black British English. The children and grandchildren of Caribbean migrants developed Black British English through their intercultural interactions. Due to Caribbean migration to the US and Canada, there are also significant patois-speaking communities in Miami, New York City, and Toronto.

Featured image via English Heritage

Common misconceptions 

Most languages are creolised. English was once a West Germanic dialect spoken by Germanic tribes. Early Germanic settlers – the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes – brought their language to Britain in the 5th century. Its vocabulary has been greatly influenced by Norman French and Latin.

Many creolised languages spoken throughout the African diaspora are the result of contact between indigenous languages and a European language through the transatlantic slave trade. According to Hubert Devonish, a linguistics professor at the University of the West Indies, these languages “tend to borrow most of the vocabulary from the European language”, but employ West African pronunciation and grammar. This is the case in African American Vernacular English and Jamaican patois – for example the use of ‘dat’ and ‘dem’. The same is true of Black British English, which is regarded as a language in its own right rather than as a dialect – or version – of standard English. Black British English has a consistent system of grammar and speech, and a large, unique body of vocabulary. Rules and structures in Black British English include the unique use of the third person as the first person – such as ‘man don’t care’, meaning ‘I don’t care’.  

This is important to note, because Black languages throughout the diaspora have been stigmatised. Many people misconstrue Black languages such as Black British English and African American Vernacular English to be ‘slang’ or grammatically incorrect English. Although the majority of Jamaicans speak patois as their first language, English is still the nation’s official language. This is the same for Creole speakers in other Caribbean countries such as Trinidad, Barbados and Guyana. Black language speakers are often ignorantly misrepresented as ‘improper language’. This leads many in the US and the UK to ‘code switch’ when speaking in a professional setting or to people outside their community. 

The impact of Black languages on culture today

Famous Brits who speak Black British English to express themselves include poet Benjamin Zepheniah. He creates dub-poetry – a form of performance poetry that originates from

the Caribbean. He recites his poetry over a reggae beat. In his poetry, he expresses himself through a combination of Jamaican patois and Black British English. Like many descendants of the African diaspora, Zepheniah rejected his OBE due to its celebration the British empire, which was responsible for the enslavement, oppression and exploitation of people of African descent.  

Featured image via Spotify

In TV and film, we hear characters speaking Black British English – for example in Top Boy and Kidulthood. Many grime and British hip hop artists – such as Dave, Stormzy and AJ Tracey – express themselves speaking or rapping using Black British English. Due to the profound influence of Black British and Jamaican culture on youth culture in Britain, people from other cultures have appropriated the language to a certain extent. Some say that Sacha Baron Cohen’s satirical fictional character ‘Ali G’ is a parody of white young people who attempt to emulate the language. Others argue that this representation is just a harmful stereotype, caricature, and appropriation of urban Black British hip hop and Jamaican culture. 

Beyond the UK, patois has had a profound impact on Canadian language-ways. The country’s relaxed immigration laws in the 1960s meant that large numbers of people from Jamaica and other Caribbean islands migrated to urban centres like Toronto. Today, around 30% of Canada’s Black population has Jamaican ancestry. Due to this significant Jamaican population, and the weight of Jamaican culture, it has become part of Toronto’s mainstream culture.  

Some have accused Drake – a musician of African American and Jewish heritage – of appropriating Jamaican patois in his recent music. However, his upbringing in Scarborough (the heart of Canada’s Jamaican community) complicates his claim to this cultural heritage. Drake is not alone in his imitation of Jamaican culture. Indeed, many regard patois words such as ‘yute’, ‘ting’, ‘dun kno’, ‘ahlie’ and ‘mandem’ as Canadian slang, disregarding their Jamaican roots.

Black diasporic languages have had – and continue to have – a profound impact on global language and culture. They are a fundamental aspect of Black heritage, expression, and cultural memory. Created in response to the harsh realities of and resistance to enslavement, Black languages tell the diaspora’s histories of migration and resistance to white supremacy. Today, they bind Black communities together on an individual, local, and global scale.

FESTAC 77: The Revival of Black and African Cultural Values

By Oluwatosin Attah

‘For the first time since the Slave Trade, for the first time in 500 years, the black family was together again, was whole again, was one again.’ – May 1977 Edition of Ebony Magazine

This article highlights the cultural importance of the Second World Black Festival of Arts and Culture whilst underlining the effects it had on the unity of Black people all over the world. The festival itself took place in Lagos, Nigeria from January 15th – February 12th in the year 1977, as the name suggests. The festival was a celebration of African art, African music and Afro-inspired theatrical performances. The festivities consisted of about 50 plays, 150 concerts, 80 film screenings, 40 art exhibitions and around 200 poetry performances.  It was a celebration to be remembered not just for its appreciation of Black people but also for the ramifications faced by Afrobeat’s legend and founder, Fela Kuti, for boycotting FESTAC ’77 – which this article also touches on briefly. 

‘Ethnocide’ was coined and defined by Raphael Lemkin in 1944 as the destruction of the culture and  identity of a people, though Lemkin was talking about the atrocities happening to Jewish people in Nazi Germany, this was an effect of colonialism and the transatlantic enslavement trade on the global Black community. The First World Black Festival of Arts set out to repair the damage that was already done. The festival was largely influenced by the political context of post-independence Africa and through this served as a symbol for the decolonisation of the mind that needed to occur alongside the political decolonisation taking place on the continent. Though the First World Black Festival of Arts and Culture was a success this article will focus on the Second Festival [a.k.a. FESTAC ‘77] as it was the largest congregation of Black people from every continent in one place in the entire history of the Black man at the time. The timing was said to have a major role in its extravagance, as 50 of the once colonised African countries had gained their independence by 1977 and the celebration was amplifying Black pride in the face of adversity. 

Outside of Africa, Black people in Europe and the Americas were also making breakthroughs in their fight against racist oppression and segregation, so they too were keen on visiting Nigeria to partake in this celebration of Black talent and identity. Lidge Daily, an American attendee wrote,  ‘I shared a feeling with my people. I looked into their faces and saw mine. Our smiles and laughter needed not a common language to be understood. To be appreciated. Welcome brother, they said to me. Welcome Home!’ 

The streets of Lagos, Nigeria were crowded with around 17000 natives, fellow Nigerians, visiting Africans, members of the diaspora and all appreciators of Black art and culture for about a month. The crowd was so huge that the Lagos State Government constructed a new housing estate for festival participants. The campus was once filled with the sounds of laughter and feet stomping on the ground as groups were dancing together in the one language understood by all the global participants – music. The estate still stands today, but the government has failed at maintaining its initial glory. 

The displays of unity, cultural enrichment and captivating entertainment that occurred over the 5 weeks, earned Nigeria the title of ‘a crucial nexus for Pan-African alliance building.’ The Guardian claims that Stevie Wonder’s headlining performance was what consolidated his ‘affinity with the continent.’ Communities within the continent also amplified their voice through the festival – with the logo being the Benin mask of Queen Idia it put the question of whether the Western world would return the artefacts they stole to their rightful owners and homes. Some say this was a bold move from Nigeria but it was necessary to show that Black people will not let the West get away with their crimes. 

The first President of Senegal, Leopold Sedar Senghor aka ‘the prime poet of Négritude’, declared that ‘Nigeria is to Africa what Greece was and still is to the history of Europe.’ The many Black people that were struggling with identity crises and feelings of belonging were said to have felt at home on the various stages when singing, dancing, acting or citing their poetry to the masses. The response from the crowd was a reassurance of the unity that existed between Black people and the festival was applauded for being the place where this reassurance was received. Though there was so much international praise for Nigeria’s contribution to the ‘revival, resurgence, propagation, and protection of Black and African cultural values and civilization’ there was some condemnation coming from within the nation – namely by renowned musician Fela Anikulapo Kuti. Many Africanists and jazz enthusiasts know that Fela’s music was a form of activism against the military government in Nigeria. When FESTAC ’77 went live, Fela boycotted it by hosting shows at Kalakuta Republic at the same time for the whole month. His shows enticed some of the major artistes that were to perform at the festivals and led them to boycott their own performances as well. Ikonne notes that Chyke Madu of ‘The Funkees’ said ‘What Fela was doing at the Shrine was more exciting and more raw than any other programs at the festival. So, everybody started to go there instead. And of course, the government didn’t like that.’ 

The festival served as a sanctuary for the unification of Black people all over the world, that inspired many to go back to their countries of residence and preach the message of bravery and freedom in the second verse of the Festival anthem – ‘Let a second generation // Full of courage issue forth // Let a people loving freedom //Come to growth’ – the residents of Nigeria themselves were still being silenced and oppressed by military rule to a degree. The first and third celebrations of Black creativity were held in Senegal, in 1966 and 2010, but couldn’t compare to the extravagance of FESTAC’77. The pressure to deliver another festival like FESTAC’77 shouldn’t mean the 2010 Festival should be the last. The Pan-African ideology is not dying anytime soon, and neither is the appreciation of Black art on a global scale, so who knows, maybe the 50-year anniversary of FESTAC ’77 will be acknowledged and celebrated once again in Nigeria. The rising need for havens, that are specifically for Black people, is expected to go on for many years and it is important that these safe spaces are made as they allow the Black community to not only find a sense of family in their identity but also be comfortable enough to just live freely. The Afronation Music Festival, by SMADE Entertainment and others, was said to have this impact as a review by Sosa Sharon said ‘Afro Nation felt like something for us, by us.’ The freedom that comes from being surrounded by ‘your people’ is said to be relieving and the Black community is due for that relief and has been for centuries. Hopefully, more events by Black people for Black people will take place for many generations to come.

BLAM UK Press Release: BLAM UK is now a AQA Award Unit centre

Black Learning Achievement and Mental Health UK CIC (BLAM UK) is now an Approved AQA Unit Award Centre. We are currently providing AQA award Units on Black British history and in the process of creating our own AQA BLAM Black History Module. We provide this service for All Key stages 1-5.

AQA provides the Unit award scheme as a record of achievement.  The AQA Unit Award Scheme is invaluable as it is an important pathway for our students to receive accreditation for their achievements. 

BLAMUK’s history module utilises oral and written history to build up the young people’s understanding of Black narratives both from continental Africa and in the diaspora. Participants are encouraged to complete independent research and make personal observations outside of the weekly sessions.  

The AQA award scheme is completed in conjunction with The Grounded project which aims to improve the racial esteem of young people by asserting truthful narratives about their history. To find out more about how your schools can take part in the Grounded project please email hello@blamcharity.co.uk