There is an unequivocal push to shed light on the deepening racial divides that continue to underpin the Black experience in the 21st Century. Black liberation movements around the world, from the bustling streets of London to the southeastern coasts of Jamaica, have brought the importance of blackness to the fore. Not only as a tool for understanding the Black identity, but also as a theoretical framework from which to view our emancipatory commitment to social justice, liberation and reconstruction.
From analyses of diaspora to the entangled processes of the transatlantic slavery, colonialism and modernity- Black thought has long been concerned with questions of race, place, and power. Yet, it’s plausible to suggest that these developments, which span centuries and continents, have been systematically excluded from more traditional notions of geography.
Within the past five years, however, Black Geographies as a discipline and epistemology has gained increasing institutional clout, with thanks to the tenacity and ingenuity of Black scholars to carve out institutional spaces for Black intellectual production. But, what exactly is meant by Black Geographies?
“Black Geographies’ is diasporic in its foundation through centuries of race projects of displacement, concealment, and marginalization that seek to render the Black body as “ungeographic” (McKittrick, 2006)
As a critical nascent body of scholarship, Black Geographies pinpoints Black spatial agency and the intersections between race, the state, and the dynamic distributions of power present in society. From the transatlantic slave trade to the lack of racial integration of Black and white families with similar class affiliations, to the mass incarceration of Black people, Black Geographies examines Black spatial experiences, including how Black life is reproduced in the wake of gentrification and redevelopment. In doing so, Black Geographies exposes the rich processes of Black socio-cultural and spatial reproduction to resist the confines of slavery, underdevelopment, and traditional human geographies.
Importantly, Black Geographies is not just for geographers. Amongst other schools of thought Black Geographies can also provide a foundation of understanding for the various means of organising political movements to both undermine systems of oppression, and efforts to positively contribute to the communal well-being of Black communities; as opposed to the individuality and exclusivity of our current Western world. Indeed, the scholarship of Black Geographies transcends boundaries outside of formal geography.
As the Black Lives Matter movement sweeps the globe, renewed efforts to address the ongoing injustices of racism and inequality further challenges the formal canon of disciplinary geography that we seem to value so much. We have reached a critical moment, and it is now time to re-examine our complicity in racial processes, evaluate the processes and frameworks that address issues of racial inequality, and reengage the scholarship of Black Geographies as a body of scholarship. This new body of thought must add to our understanding of the ways that race and place are inextricably linked.
Written by Malaika Laing-Grant– BLAM’s Volunteer Blog editor
Malaika is a professional with over five years’ practical experience in the international development space, providing comprehensive programmatic support to drive programme success in areas such as youth and politics, social and economic development, education and capacity building. She is a strong believer in the power of the Black community, Malaika is also committed to education as a form of Black empowerment to dismantle cycles of oppression and systems of social injustice
Source
McKittrick, K. (2006). Demonic grounds: Black women and the cartographies of struggle. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press
The distinction between Black feminism and white feminism has long been established, due to the triple burden facing many Black women of race, class and gender. Black feminists have and continue to, highlight the differences in their experiences and issues they are confronted with. On the key issues of family, patriarchy and reproduction,
Black women have distinctly different realities to that of their white middle class counter parts, that often centre the feminist movement.[1] Black women are consistently confronted with racism, resistance and further oppression which white feminism has undermined and silenced. It was in acknowledgment of this that OWAAD was formed in 1978.[2]OWAAD functioned as an umbrella organisation, bringing together various groups of women with divergent interests and focuses.[3] OWAAD had a prominent impact on the women’s liberation movements in Britain, by placing the experiences of Black and Asian women on the liberation agenda. Attracting over 300 women to its first national conference, OWAAD successfully prompted the establishment of Black women’s groups across London.
The ‘Brixton’s Black Women’s Group’ opened in London as the first Black Women’s Centre and Asian and African – Caribbean women founded the ‘Southall Black Sisters’ in North West London.[4] As well as its undeniable influence, OWAAD contributed to several campaigns for the progression of the black experience in the United Kingdom. OWAAD joined the campaign to scrap the SUS laws, which gave the police the powers of stop and search without any cause and was disproportionately used against young Black men.[5] The impact of OWAAD and its initiatives are undeniably powerful and revolutionary. As Stella Dadzie (co-founder of OWAAD) emphasised, OWAAD worked to ‘show people sisterhood in operation’.[6] Not only did OWAAD take on the responsibility of upholding the Black-british community, they also established a legacy of justice and perseverance that remains a fundamental pillar of Black British History.
International Migrants Day prompts us to reflect on our own stories. For Black Brits, whether from the Afro-Caribbean or African diasporas, migration isn’t just a distant concept, it is family history. Our parents, grandparents, and communities often arrived as migrants, helping build this country.
On this day we recall those journeys and the truths they teach us. Thinkers like Stuart Hall and Paul Gilroy help explain how Black identity is forged in motion and exchange. We also confront today’s politics: from the Prime Minister’s warning of an “island of strangers” to Nigel Farage and Tommy Robinson’s “great replacement” myths. By centering Black British voices, from academics to artists, we reclaim the migrant narrative.
Remembering Our Migrant Roots
We must honor the very real contributions of Black migrants to Britain’s story. The post-war Windrush generation is emblematic: on 22 June 1948, 400+ Jamaicans arrived on the HMT Empire Windrush to answer Britain’s call to help rebuild the economy and new NHS.
Within days, many had jobs; by 1958 roughly 125,000 West Indians (and tens of thousands from India and Pakistan) had come to work here. Black migrants filled crucial roles in public life. For example, by 1971 about 31% of NHS doctors in England were born and educated abroad. Caribbean nurses and African doctors ran wards that few Britons wanted. These dedicated pioneers did the work that kept schools, hospitals and businesses running, even as they faced racism at home.
Post-war pioneers: More than 400 Caribbean migrants on the Empire Windrush arrived in 1948 to help rebuild Britain, especially the fledgling NHS. Many West Indian women became nurses, often working “immaculately starched” in British hospitals as their descendants proudly remember.
Vital workers: By the late 1960s, foreign-trained staff were everywhere. In 1971, nearly one-third of English NHS doctors were educated overseas. Migrant porters, cleaners and cooks kept schools and hospitals open. Without them, as advocates note, “the history of the NHS is also the history of migration”.
Building communities: Caribbean and African migrants founded businesses, churches, Carnival celebrations, sports clubs and more. They raised generations of British-born children who are simultaneously proud Londoners and proud of their heritage.
These facts show that migrants, our communities included, made Britain work. Remembering this history challenges any claim that we “don’t belong” here.
Black British scholars have long explored what it means to live between worlds.
Stuart Hall (Jamaican-born theorist) famously said he lived “in the shadow of the black diaspora – ‘in the belly of the beast’”.
He described cultural identity as a process, not a fixed label. Hall argued that beneath surface differences there is a shared Caribbean and African legacy, a sort of collective one true self, that each diaspora member must discover, excavate.
In his writings on Black popular culture, Hall even noted that people of the Black diaspora have “found the deep form, the deep structure of their cultural life in music” – capturing how art and culture keep our stories alive. In short, Hall’s life and work embodied how migration and colonial history shape identity.
Paul Gilroy (London-born scholar of the African Diaspora) builds on this. In The Black Atlantic, Gilroy argues Black identity in Britain, the US and the Caribbean is inherently transnational.
He shows that over 150 years Black intellectuals and artists have “traveled and worked in a transnational frame” – thinking and creating across oceans, rather than being rooted in one nation. Gilroy’s “Black Atlantic” model reminds us that African and Caribbean cultures cross borders. We carry those voyages in us: our music, stories and politics connect to global Black history, not just to Britain.
Kehinde Andrews (Birmingham-born academic and activist) adds a modern perspective. As Britain’s first professor of Black Studies, he urges the diaspora to unite globally.
Andrews insists that, “as Black and African people, our true power… is in organizing ourselves globally”. In other words, Black Britons benefit by seeing ourselves as part of a wider struggle with Africans and the world’s Black communities, not just as an isolated group.
He also speaks frankly about our relation to Britain. For many of us, as he notes, “racism is as British as a cup of tea, which is why so many of us reject both the nation and the monarchy”. This blunt truth reminds us that Black Britons often view Britain’s national myths differently, understanding that the country’s wealth came from colonialism and slavery.
These thinkers teach us: our identities are complex and creative, forged across journeys. They encourage pride in diaspora roots and solidarity with other Black people globally.
Confronting Fear: Debunking the “Island of Strangers”
Last year even the Labour leader warned that the UK might become an “island of strangers” – echoing Enoch Powell’s infamous 1968 trope. But Black voices push back strongly. As one British-letter-writer put it: “Immigration doesn’t lead to an ‘island of strangers’, rather to a diverse, modern nation. The UK shapes immigrants, and in turn this country is shaped by immigrants and their descendants.”. Indeed, diversity is our reality and strength. Rather than division, migration has remade Britain’s identity again and again, making it a more modern, global nation.
On the far right, figures like Nigel Farage and Tommy Robinson peddle conspiracies like the “Great Replacement” – the idea that white Britons are being “replaced” by immigrants. But this is baseless. As a Guardian analysis notes, anti-immigrant fringe groups merge xenophobia with other agenda (such as anti-abortion) into claims that migrants “replac[e] white Brits”.
Even Tommy Robinson has promoted the same “great replacement” narrative. We must reject these scare tactics. We know from history (and from our own lives) that migrants and native-born people live and work side by side. Britain’s needs, from care workers to teachers, have long been met by immigrants, not hurt by them. In reality, warnings about being “submerged” or “invaded” are a political ploy to divide us.
Instead, we remember the real picture: our families, like one Chinese-Vietnamese family in London wrote in response to the “strangers” remark, not only became successful by running businesses and education, but loved being British. Diverse communities support each other: on one street neighbours of all backgrounds join together in celebrations and mutual aid, not isolation.
Culture and Identity: Our Stories in Art
Our perspective also comes through art and culture. British music has powerful stories of migration. For example, the rapper Dave (a British-Nigerian artist) released a song called “Black” that many of us found deeply personal. In it he declares “Black ain’t just a single fuckin’ colour, man – there’s shades to it”. Dave’s line reminds us that within Black identity there are many histories and backgrounds: Caribbean, African, mixed heritage, and more. The song even becomes a brief history lesson “West Africa, Benin, they called it slave coast”, highlighting how the Atlantic slave trade and colonisation still echo in our lives today.
Songs like Dave’s “Black” and other cultural works give voice to our collective memory. They celebrate that “Black is beautiful, Black is excellent” (as Dave also proclaims), while also calling out injustice: “A kid dies, the blacker the killer, the sweeter the news…” (another lyric) argues he, underscoring media bias. Listening to these artists, we feel seen: they echo Paul Gilroy’s idea that our shared histories travel through music, and Stuart Hall’s insight that diaspora cultures “play solos in tune and in contradiction” with Britain. When we hear our own stories in songs, literature or films, it affirms our place here and connects us to a larger Black creative legacy.
On this Migrants Day, we stand in solidarity with all migrants.
We remember that history offers undeniable evidence of the meaningful and enduring contributions made by migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers. This is no abstract claim; it is our history. In fact, hundreds of UK organisations recently pledged themselves to unity, declaring Britain an “island of solidarity, not strangers”. Their statement explicitly affirms the inherent right to live in peace, dignity and hope of every migrant. We Black Brits endorse that pledge. We know every immigrant, our parents, grandparents and neighbours, has that right.
So on International Migrants Day we do more than observe; we remember our own journey. We think of the courage of ancestors who crossed oceans, and the pride of cousins, children and friends born here. We draw inspiration from Stuart Hall’s, Paul Gilroy’s and Kehinde Andrews’s ideas: they teach us that we belong in multiple worlds at once, and that our home is enriched by all those who come to it. We celebrate our culture, from steel drums to grime rap, that blends African, Caribbean and British elements. We reject divisive myths (Farage’s and Robinson’s) and instead pledge community support.
International Migrants Day is a reminder that migrants built this country, and that Black people are a central part of that story.
Schools are meant to be places of safety, learning, and opportunity. But for many Black children in the UK, the school exclusion system tells a different story: one of unfair discipline, implicit bias, and institutional neglect. Permanent and fixed-term exclusions are supposed to be last resorts, used only when a pupil’s behaviour seriously breaches school policy but data, legal cases, and lived experiences show Black children are disproportionately subjected to exclusions. They are also less likely to have their complaints about discriminatory behaviour taken seriously.
This article explores the legal framework around school exclusions, recent case law, how discriminatory practices affect Black pupils (especially those with special educational needs or disabilities – SEND), and what change needs to happen to ensure fairness and justice in UK schools.
Legal and Statutory Framework.
To understand discrimination in exclusions, here are the key legal tools and duties:
Equality Act 2010 o Protects “protected characteristics” including race, disability, religion or belief, etc. o Makes both direct and indirect discrimination unlawful. Schools must avoid treating pupils less favourably because of protected characteristic or because of something connected to it. o Requires reasonable adjustments for disabled pupils to avoid putting them at substantial disadvantage.
Special Educational Needs & Disability (SEND) Regulations o Particularly the SEND Code of Practice (statutory guidance) outlines how schools should support children with SEND including behaviour that arises because of their needs.
Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) under Equality Act: o Schools (as public bodies) must have due regard to eliminating discrimination, advancing equality of opportunity, and fostering good relations.
Regulations within Equality Act 2010 (Disability) Regulations 2010 o Notably, regulation 4(1)(c) which until recently excluded pupils having a “tendency to physical abuse” from being treated as disabled in certain exclusion decisions, meaning schools could exclude children for behaviours linked to their disability without needing to make reasonable adjustments.
Right to Education o Under Article 2 of Protocol 1 to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), children have a right to education. Exclusions must be lawful, proportionate, and should not unfairly remove access to education.
Key Case Law & Recent Developments
Here are some landmark or recent cases and legal developments that illustrate how the law is being tested
Case / Development
Facts
Held / Reasoned Outcome
Relevance to Black Pupils & Discrimination
“L” – autistic boy excluded for aggressive behaviour (Upper Tribunal 2018)
C & C v The Governing Body of a School, The Secretary of State for Education (First Interested Party) and The National Autistic Society (Second Interested Party) (SEN): [2018] UKUT 269 (AAC) ; [2019] AACR 10
A 13-year-old boy with autism was excluded for 1½ days after aggressive behaviour. The school argued the behaviour was “anti-social or criminal” under regulation excluding those cases from disability protections.
The Upper Tribunal ruled (backed by EHRC) that excluding children whose challenging behaviour is a manifestation of their disability, without adjustments, is discriminatory and incompatible with human rights. Regulations allowing exclusion under “tendency to physical abuse” were unlawful.
This sets precedent for Black pupils with SEND who are often excluded for behaviour without the support needed.
Court of Appeal – Exclusion Case (Black Caribbean pupil, SEND, free school meals)
A Black Caribbean pupil with special needs was permanently excluded for alleged assault. The school governors and then Independent Review Panel upheld the exclusion despite arguments involving equality duty under Equality Act.
The case emphasized that schools must consider their Public Sector Equality Duty when making exclusion decisions. While the specific challenge failed in that case, the judgment stressed the importance of PSED.
Shows how equality law is relevant and must be considered in exclusion decisions, especially for disadvantaged Black pupils.
Court of Appeal considers equalities duty in school exclusions (Mar 2025)
Permanent exclusion of Black Caribbean pupil with SEND. Challenge brought on basis of breach of PSED and whether schools responded properly to challenges.
Judgment provided guidance on how schools should approach exclusion decisions in relation to PSED, what role governors and IRP have, and how to treat exclusions involving SEND and race together.
Clarifies legal expectations for fairness and non-discrimination.
Evidence & Statistics
According to the School Exclusion Hub, vulnerable pupils (including Black pupils and those with SEND) are protected under the Equality Act: discrimination in exclusions is unlawful. – Vulnerable pupils – School Exclusion Hub
The Black Child Agenda notes that Black pupils are excluded at disproportionately higher rates; the decision to exclude must be lawful, reasonable, proportionate and fair. – Exclusions – The Black Child Agenda
A recent study (2025) by Durham and Birmingham universities found that when adjusting for poverty and SEND, ethnicity alone is not a statistically significant predictor of exclusion but campaigners argue this overlooks “off-rolling” (informal exclusion) and the compounding effects of race, class, and SEND. – Ethnicity not key factor in England school exclusions, study finds | Race in education | The Guardian
Discriminatory Behaviour and Complaint
Besides exclusions, Black children often face discriminatory treatment in schools in other ways:
Rules on hairstyle (cornrows, braids) being banned or treated as non-compliant with uniform policy.
Indirect discrimination in faith-based admissions policies affecting particular ethnic groups. Example: in Faith school admissions can indirectly discriminate on race a recent High Court judgment recognizing that oversubscription criteria based on religion can disadvantage certain racial groups. – Judge: Faith school admissions can indirectly discriminate on race | National Secular Society
Complaints mechanisms are often opaque, under-resourced, or adversarial; parents may feel discouraged from making complaints or fear backlash.
Impact: What Happens to the Children
When a child is excluded temporarily or permanently especially Black children or children with SEND, outcomes can be severe:
Loss of learning, falling behind classmates.
Increased risk of exclusion from further education, more frequent contact with the criminal justice system.
Negative effects on mental health, self-esteem.
Stigmatization and alienation from school community.
Disparities in disciplinary measures can reflect and reinforce broader societal injustice.
Potential Reforms & What More Needs To Be Done
To level the playing field, here are policy and legal reforms that could reduce unfair exclusions and discriminatory behaviour:
Strengthen legal enforcement of the Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED): The PSED must be clarified and enforced more strongly in the context of exclusions, with schools and multi-academy trusts (MATs) held legally accountable for breaches.
Enshrine protections against Regulation 4(1)(c): Enshrine into statutory guidance the 2018 Upper Tribunal decision, which removed the discriminatory effect of Regulation 4(1)(c) of the Equality Act 2010. This would ensure all schools fully comply with their duty to protect and make reasonable adjustments for children with disability-linked challenging behaviour.
Increase SEND support and implement reforms: Significantly increase support and funding for SEND inside mainstream schools, aligned with the goals of the SEND and Alternative Provision Improvement Plan. This includes mandatory training for teachers on managing behaviour linked to specific conditions, improved resources, behaviour support, and mental health provision.
Enhance transparent data collection and oversight: Require all schools, local authorities, and multi-academy trusts to publish disaggregated data on exclusions by race, SEND status, and socio-economic status. This data should be used to provide stronger oversight and to monitor and challenge discriminatory practices.
Strengthen appeals and complaint mechanisms: Overhaul the system to make it easier for parents to challenge exclusions. This must include offering legal aid or free advice for families, particularly those from disadvantaged or minority ethnic backgrounds.
Imagine a 12-year-old Black girl, “Aisha,” with diagnosed ADHD and mild anxiety. She has had several incidents of impulsive behaviour in class. One day, she lashes out verbally at a teacher. The teacher issues a fixed-term exclusion. The school fails to make adjustments (e.g., putting in a behaviour plan, using calming space or specialist support) because they say the behaviour is “deliberate”.
Under current law, Aisha’s parents could challenge the exclusion under the Equality Act and show that ADHD is a disability requiring adjustments.
If regulation 4(1)(c) were still applied strictly, the claim might be rejected under “tendency to physical abuse” exclusion, but recent rulings (e.g. the “L” case) suggest this defence is being eroded.
The school would also need to show that the exclusion was lawful, proportionate, and that Aisha’s race or other protected characteristics weren’t indirectly or directly influencing the decision.
This scenario shows how discrimination can be subtle omission (not doing adjustments), implicit bias, under-resourcing and how legal tools can (or sometimes fail to) protect children.
School exclusions and discriminatory behaviour are not just disciplinary matters: they reflect how society values or devalues certain children. Black pupils, especially those with SEND, often bear the brunt of a system that prioritises compliance over support.
The legal protections are strong on paper; Equality Act 2010, SEND Code of Practice, PSED, case law. But in practice, many Black children are excluded without adequate support or fair process. Legislation is only effective when respected and enforced.
To change the system, awareness is key (among parents, pupils, teachers). Reform is necessary in policy, in school leadership, and in law. True equality means giving every child not just those who fit the “model pupil” mould the chance to succeed in school without fear of being excluded or discriminated against.
A recent televised confrontation between journalist Mehdi Hasan and historian Nigel Biggar brought Britain’s colonial legacy into sharp focus. Hasan challenged Biggar, whose new book Reparations: Slavery and the Tyranny of Imaginary Guilt argues that Britons should not feel responsible for slavery, on his double standards regarding national history. Hasan pointed out that Biggar feels proud of Britain’s past triumphs (Biggar readily admitted he feels pride that Britain defeated Nazi Germany) yet refuses any sense of collective remorse for Britain’s past crimes like slavery.
This glaring inconsistency, pride in imperial achievements but no guilt for imperial atrocities, underscores a broader issue in British society: a selective memory of the Empire’s history. Biggar’s stance is part of a familiar pattern of historical amnesia and defensiveness. It reflects how some still seek to celebrate the British Empire’s “good bits” while dismissing calls for accountability as a “tyranny of imaginary guilt.”
From a pro-Black, anti-colonial perspective, however, the facts of history demand a very different response. Hasan’s combative questioning highlighted that we cannot have pride without responsibility. If Britons today choose to bask in the glory of their ancestors’ heroism, they must also reckon with the legacy of their ancestors’ horrors.
The debate exposed how uncomfortable that reckoning remains for many. Biggar’s claims, that slavery was a universal institution not unique to Britain, and that Britain somehow “atoned” for slavery by abolishing it, deserve critical scrutiny. To challenge these views, we must ground ourselves in historical truth: the British Empire’s deep entanglement in the transatlantic slave trade, the violent and extractive nature of its colonial rule, and the ongoing impact of that legacy on Black communities. Only then can we address Britain’s unpaid debt to the descendants of the enslaved.
Slavery Was Not “Universal”.
Biggar has argued that slavery was a near-universal practice in history; a claim meant to downplay Britain’s culpability. Yes, slavery existed in various forms around the world, but the transatlantic chattel slavery system that Britain helped create was unprecedented in its scale and racial brutality.
Between 1640 and 1807, British ships transported approximately 3.1 million enslaved Africans to British colonies in the Caribbean and Americas (one of the largest forced migrations in human history). Millions of men, women and children were shackled in the holds of British slave ships and sold into lifelong bondage on plantations from Jamaica to Virginia. The trade was so vast that by the 18th century Britain dominated the Atlantic slave trade, becoming the world’s leading slave trading nation. To dismiss Britain’s role because “others did it too” is to ignore the outsized part the British Empire played in a crime against humanity.
Crucially, Britain did not just participate in slavery. Britain profited immensely from it. The enslavement of African people was not an incidental footnote to British history; it was central to the nation’s rise as a global power. Enslaved Black labor in the Caribbean and Americas generated enormous wealth that fueled Britain’s economic growth and industrial revolution.
Cash crops like sugar, tobacco and cotton, cultivated by enslaved Africans under horrific conditions, poured wealth into British coffers. That wealth built industries, funded banks, and laid the foundations of modern Britain. As Professor Kehinde Andrews bluntly observes, “Britain should, apparently, be proud of ending slavery but not feel guilty about profiting from it”. Yet profit we did.
In fact, Britain’s industrialisation depended on the fruits of slavery, and “that wealth remains with us today”, as Professor Kehinde Andrews emphasises. Many of Britain’s grand institutions were erected on this blood money: banks like Barclays and Lloyds financed the slave economy; stately homes and museums were enriched by colonial plunder; even eminent universities and the Church benefitted from donations tied to slavery. The very fabric of British society was woven with threads of the slave trade’s profits.
Below are a few historical facts that put Britain’s role in slavery into context:
Scale of Enslavement: By the time Britain outlawed the Atlantic slave trade in 1807, it had trafficked roughly 3–3.4 million Africans as slaves; more than any other country except perhaps Portugal. Of these, about 2.7 million survived the Middle Passage to arrive in the Americas, fueling plantation economies. The sheer scale of human suffering under British slavery was enormous.
Wealth Built on Slavery: The plantation economy of the British West Indies (Caribbean) was a pillar of Britain’s wealth. British colonies like Jamaica and Barbados produced sugar “white gold” that was in huge demand in Europe. Profits from slave-produced sugar, cotton, coffee and tobacco were a significant driver of the British economy in the 18th and early 19th centuries. These profits were invested back in Britain, helping to finance canals, railways, banks, factories and the rise of cities like Liverpool and Bristol. As one historian noted, wealth from the slave trade, slave plantations and even the compensation paid to slave-owners was widely invested in Britain, visible in “many buildings” that stand to this day.
Human Cost: The practice of slavery under British rule was exceptionally brutal and inhumane. Enslaved Africans endured forced labour from dawn to dusk, frequent whipping and sexual abuse, and complete denial of their humanity. Families were torn apart on the auction block. Many enslaved people died from the cruel conditions , overwork, malnutrition, disease and punishment. On some Caribbean plantations, the enslaved had such short life expectancies that they had to be continuously replaced with new captives from Africa. This was not a benign institution – it was a system of racialised terror for profit.
African and Caribbean Resistance: Black people did not accept their oppression passively. Despite the risks, the enslaved resisted in numerous ways. From work slowdowns and sabotage, to flight (maroon communities), and outright rebellion. The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), in which enslaved people rose up and overthrew French colonial rule to form the first Black republic, sent shockwaves through every slave society. In British territories, figures like Samuel Sharpe in Jamaica led courageous revolts demanding freedom. These struggles struck fear into colonisers and eventually bolstered the abolitionist cause. It’s a reminder that the drive for emancipation came not only from white reformers in London, but from Black resistance and bloodshed in the colonies.
In short, while slavery existed globally, the British Empire’s involvement was uniquely far-reaching. It helped turn a small island nation into an industrial powerhouse, at the horrific expense of millions of African lives. Any honest discussion of Britain’s past must acknowledge this central truth. Slavery was not a minor moral lapse to be relativized by pointing to ancient empires or African sellers; it was a core component of British imperialism. By obscuring this, arguments like Biggar’s serve to excuse and erase the scale of British culpability. The legacy of this crime cannot be waved away as “universal” or long ago – especially when its effects are still visible today.
Abolition without Atonement.
In 1834 Britain’s Parliament “abolished slavery” in name only. The Act freed only children under six and everyone else was reclassified as an “apprentice” forced to keep working until 1838–40. To get it through, the government even borrowed £20 million (around 40% of its annual budget) to compensate slave‑owners for their “losses”. Freed people received nothing. In effect, abolition meant a taxpayer‑funded payout to Britain’s rich slave‑owning class, while those enslaved for generations got neither apology nor share of the wealth they had created. This was no act of atonement.
The consequences of that theft still show today. Professor Kehinde Andrews reminds us that “the wealth generated from slavery is still with us, as is the poverty from centuries of exploitation”
Britain’s modern economy and institutions are deeply rooted in those profits, while the descendants of the enslaved, in Britain and beyond, live with the legacy of that stolen wealth. The fact that Britain’s Windrush scandal could even happen, Andrews argues, is a direct outgrowth of these origins: if our ancestors had not been kidnapped, we wouldn’t now be treated like unwelcome outsiders. So-called abolition may have ended the slave trade, but it did not atone for slavery. It simply entrenched inequality in new forms.
Imperial Myths and the Reparations Movement.
Britain’s self‑image as a benevolent liberator is precisely that a myth. Andrews points out that celebrating Britain as the nation that “abolished slavery” ignores the rest of the story. In reality Britain rose to become the premier slave‑trading power, and its empire was built on brutality. As he bluntly puts it, “the British empire was based on the exploitation, murder and devastation of people across the globe.” This is not sour grapes, but history: every cotton mill, plantation and naval port was enriched by enslaved labour and colonial plunder. Yet British narratives focus on white saviors and omit how our elites profited from slavery, embedding racism into society. Until that full truth is acknowledged, the imperial myth will continue to distort our understanding of justice.
Countering this myth is the growing chorus for reparations. Professor Verene Shepherd, a leading reparations scholar, emphasises that slavery was a crime against humanity in which Britain was a leading participant. She notes that even Britain’s 1807 Slave Trade Act did nothing to halt ongoing enslavement; thousands more Africans were shipped into bondage after it passed. For Shepherd, abolition without remedy was insufficient: she insists Britain “own up to their responsibility” with a full, formal apology, not a vague expression of regret, and put Caricom’s reparations plan into action.
This plan, backed by Caribbean governments, calls for concrete measures like debt cancellation, investment in education and healthcare, cultural programmes and financial compensation. Caribbean reparations leaders have framed it plainly: Britain should help “clean up the mess” its empire created, tackling extreme poverty and underdevelopment left behind. These demands challenge Britain’s refusal to even properly acknowledge its past, and show that reparatory justice must be both symbolic (apologies, truth‑telling) and material (funding, debt relief) to begin undoing the legacy of slavery.
Reparatory Justice Now: A Call to Action
Today Britain still refuses to apologise or pay reparations for slavery. Downing Street has bluntly confirmed that at Commonwealth meetings “there are no plans” for an apology or payments. But the moral case has not disappeared. Polls show a majority of Britons now favour a formal apology, and many support reparatory action.
We must insist on more than empty words. Reparatory justice means investing in Black communities in Britain, the Caribbean and Africa, cancelling odious debts, funding schools and museums, promoting trade justice, alongside a formal apology and honest curriculum change that teach our true history.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) is becoming a powerful force in everyday life. But one of the most important, and least understood, areas where AI is growing fast is policing.
At BLAM UK, our AI Accountability Project is focused on ensuring that Black communities understand how these technologies work, how they are used, and what rights and protections we need as they become more embedded in policing and surveillance.
What Is AI? A Simple Explanation
AI describes computer systems that can perform tasks that normally require human intelligence. That includes things like:
recognising faces
spotting patterns in large amounts of data
predicting what might happen next
sorting people into categories
making recommendations or decisions
AI works by “learning” from data. But if that data reflects racial bias, inequality, or over-policing of certain communities, AI can learn those same patterns and repeat and reinforce them at scale.
How Is AI Being Used in Policing?
Across the UK, police forces increasingly use data-driven systems and algorithmic tools to support decision-making. While some of these tools are marketed as “smart”, “efficient”, or “objective”, in practice they often deepen existing inequalities.
Here are the main ways AI shows up in policing today:
1. Live Facial Recognition (LFR)
LFR scans people’s faces in real time and matches them against police watchlists. It has been used at:
Notting Hill Carnival (for the first time in 2024).
Stratford Westfield
Oxford Circus
Concerns include:
Racial bias: Black faces are more likely to be misidentified
Lack of consent: People are scanned without knowing
Over-policing of Black and migrant communities
2. Predictive Policing Tools
These tools make predictions about where crime is likely to happen or who might be involved. They use past policing data, which is already racially skewed.
If Black communities were over-policed in the past, predictive tools simply reinforce that pattern.
3. “Heat Maps” and Risk Scoring Systems
AI tools can score areas or individuals as “high risk”, which influences how police deploy officers.
Issues include:
Labelling young Black people as “high risk” based on postcode, school exclusions, or previous contact with police
Reinforcing negative stereotypes
Lack of transparency about how scores are calculated
4. Gang Databases & Social Media Monitoring
AI is increasingly used to monitor posts, photos, group chats, and online activity. It can flag people based on:
Music lyrics
Clothing
Friend networks
Location data
This can lead to young Black people being labelled as “gang-associated” without evidence of criminal behaviour.
5. Policing Children and Families Using Data
Policing doesn’t only affect adults. Data-driven systems are now used to:
predict which children might be “at risk”
monitor pupils in schools
track families through multi-agency databases
Children with special educational needs, neurodivergence, or those from marginalised communities are disproportionately affected.This is why BLAM is also developing a child-friendly AI survey to understand young people’s experiences and needs.
Why This Matters for Black Communities
Our research shows that AI policing often repeats the same patterns of racialised over-surveillance Black communities have faced for decades, but now with the speed and scale of technology.
Risks include:
wrongful arrests
discriminatory stop and search
increased profiling of Black children
reduced trust in public institutions
long-term impacts on opportunities, safety and wellbeing
AI is not neutral. It reflects society, including its inequalities. This is why community knowledge and accountability are essential.
What we, at BLAM UK, are doing
Our AI Accountability Community Survey is gathering insights from Black people across England about:
public experiences of policing
views on AI technologies
levels of trust and awareness
hopes and concerns for the future
Your voice will help shape policy recommendations, community education, and advocacy for safer, fairer systems.
AI is reshaping policing right now, whether we know it or not. Understanding it is the first step toward protecting our rights, challenging harmful systems, and ensuring technology serves communities rather than harms them.
At BLAM UK, we are committed to building community power, transparency, and accountability around AI in policing. If you’d like to stay updated or collaborate, follow our social media channels and keep an eye out for upcoming workshops.
The UK government’s recent Curriculum and Assessment Review claims it will build a “world-class curriculum for all,” yet from a Black radical perspective it’s clear there are gaping holes in this plan. The Review document pays lip service to “diversity” and “equality of opportunity,” but nowhere does it confront the reality of racism in education. This absence is not an oversight. It’s symptomatic of a system that would rather celebrate a shallow notion of diversity than commit to true anti-racist change. In the words of BLAM UK’s own social media post, the government “talks about ‘diversity’ but refuses to commit to anti-racism or any real decolonising of the curriculum.” The tone of this blog is unapologetically confrontational and rooted in Black radical thought: if the curriculum review won’t say anti-racism, we will – loudly and clearly.
No Anti-Racism, No Justice: The Curriculum Review’s Silent War on Black Education.
The Curriculum and Assessment Review reads like a masterclass in deflection. It waxes poetic about Britain’s “diversity” being a great strength and the need for “all young people [to be] represented”. It even acknowledges that students not seeing themselves in the curriculum, or encountering negative portrayals, is “disempowering and demotivating”. Yet, glaringly, the Review never once mentions the words “racism” or “anti-racism.” The government’s own report admits “the curriculum needs to reflect society, support equality of opportunity, and challenge discrimination” but it pointedly avoids naming the very discrimination at play: racism. By failing to explicitly address racial injustice, the Curriculum Review effectively wages a silent war on Black education. It upholds the status quo of Eurocentric content under the guise of neutrality.
This is a classic tactic of what Black radical educators call racial silence. The government’s plan pretends you can achieve “high standards for all” while sidestepping the structural racism that holds Black students back. It speaks of “broadening horizons” and “shared values”, but offers nothing to dismantle the whitewashed narratives in history books or the unconscious biases in classrooms. No anti-racism, no justice – it’s that simple. Ignoring race while talking about diversity is a political choice, one that protects the comfort of those in power at the expense of Black children’s education. The Curriculum Review’s polite silence on racism is not just an omission; it is an insult to Black pupils who every day experience the gaps between the curriculum’s rhetoric and the reality of their lives.
BLAM UK Strikes Back: Exposing Systemic Racism in Schools.
BLAM UK is not remaining silent. As a Black-led education and advocacy group, BLAM has been documenting the very racism the government refuses to name. Our recent report, “Eradicating Anti-Blackness in the UK Education System: Achieving Curriculum and Policy Reform Through Litigation,” uncovers the systemic biases embedded in British schools. The findings are damning, if unsurprising to Black students and parents. Black pupils are over-disciplined, underrepresented, and erased from what they are taught. The curriculum still centres whiteness, with Black history either ignored entirely or confined to trauma and oppression narratives (slavery, colonialism, civil rights) devoid of Black joy or excellence. British schools, as BLAM bluntly states, “continue to centre whiteness while punishing Black identity”. In the absence of anti-racist guidance, many teachers lack racial literacy – they have never been trained to understand how racism operates in the classroom. This leads to biased expectations, harsher discipline for Black children, and unchecked racist incidents. The government’s review panel heard from young people about feeling unrepresented and demotivated, yet offers only vagaries in response. Meanwhile, BLAM’s research provides concrete evidence that without intentional anti-racist measures, schools will continue to fail Black students.
BLAM UK is striking back through activism and even legal action. Our report is part of the first legal challenge against the UK government for the curriculum’s racism. We refuse to accept a curriculum that leaves Black contributions out and Black children behind. The message from BLAM and other Black radical educators is clear: representation isn’t a favor, it’s a right. Tinkering around the edges with token “diversity” is not enough. We demand a decolonised curriculum that fully integrates Black history and perspectives across all subjects; not just a perfunctory Black History Month chapter. We demand mandatory anti-racism and racial literacy training for teachers, so that ignorance is no longer an excuse. And we demand an end to policies that police Black children’s hair, language, and culture in the name of “behavior” or “standards”. BLAM’s stance is uncompromising: as long as the government’s plan has gaps where anti-racism should be, we will shine a light on every one of those gaps and push to fill them with justice.
Wales Sets the Standard: Anti-Racist Education in Action.
It doesn’t have to be this way. Just look to Wales, proof that a different, anti-racist approach to education is possible right now. In 2022, the Welsh Government launched a bold Anti-Racist Wales Action Plan, explicitly aiming for an “Anti-Racist Wales by 2030” with zero tolerance for racism in all its forms. These aren’t empty words. Wales put action behind them. As of the new Curriculum for Wales, Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic histories and experiences are a mandatory part of the curriculum. That’s right: in Wales, learning about the contributions and histories of people of colour is required, not optional. Alongside this, Wales rolled out free anti-racist training for all educators (the DARPL programme) to give teachers the “knowledge, skills, empathy, and confidence to celebrate and value diversity” and actively develop anti-racist practice. The Welsh Education Minister, Jeremy Miles, even urged educators to join this national effort to make schools “truly anti-racist”.
The contrast with England’s approach could not be more stark. While Welsh authorities fast-tracked resources to embed anti-racism into every school, the English Curriculum Review remains timid and evasive. Wales shows that when the political will is there, curricula can be transformed to include all students’ heritage and tackle racism head-on. They are literally doing what anti-racist campaigners have been demanding – from mandating diverse histories to training teachers – without the sky falling. So why is the UK Government (and by extension England’s education system) so far behind? The answer lies in political choice. England’s leaders choose to frame curriculum reform in comfortable terms of “diversity” without the discomfort of confronting racism. Wales chose the opposite: to face racism in education directly and systemically. The result? Welsh students of color will see themselves in lessons and books in a way English students still can’t count on. Welsh teachers are being equipped to recognize and challenge racism, whereas English teachers largely are not. If the Curriculum Review panel in Whitehall needs inspiration on how to fill the gap in their plan, they need only look across the Severn Bridge.
No Justice Without Anti-Racist Education: From Tokenism to Transformation.
The message at the heart of this Black radical breakdown is simple: there can be no educational justice without anti-racist education. Anything less is a betrayal of Black children and a distortion of what a “world-class curriculum” should be. The government’s current review, with its genteel avoidance of the R-word, amounts to tokenism. It’s an attempt to placate calls for inclusivity with pretty words about diversity, all while leaving the foundational power structures of the curriculum intact. But as Audre Lorde taught, “the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house.” We cannot fix a curriculum built on colonial narratives and racial bias by sprinkling a few diverse examples here and there. Transformation is required.
BLAM UK and our allies are making it clear that we will accept nothing less than a transformational change. We’re talking about reparative curriculum reform – one that not only includes Black stories but critically examines Britain’s colonial history and legacy of anti-Blackness. We’re talking about empowering Black students in the classroom, not suspending them for wearing their natural hair. We’re talking about training teachers to understand racism as readily as they understand reading levels. Until the UK government’s plan addresses these demands head-on, its so-called commitment to “excellence for all” is a cruel joke. Black students deserve better than gaps in the curriculum and gaps in the plan – they deserve an education that tells the truth and prepares them to thrive in a society that still struggles with racism.
In conclusion, let this blog post serve as a warning and a rallying cry. We see the gaps. We feel their harm. And we will fight to fill them. If the official Curriculum Review won’t center anti-racism, then the communities and activists will do it themselves – but we shouldn’t have to. The government must be pushed from tokenism to transformation. Anything short of an anti-racist curriculum is a continuation of injustice. The call is out: No anti-racism, no justice. And we will not settle for anything less
Sickle cell disorder distorts red blood cells into a “sickle” shape, making them clump in vessels and cause painful crises. This inherited condition was first recognised in the UK in the 1950s, just as waves of post-colonial migrants arrived and the NHS expanded. In that era, many white Britons refused to acknowledge it as a “British” illness. The history of SCD care in Britain is deeply entwined with Empire and racism; a story of migrants bringing the disease to the health service, only to have their suffering dismissed.
Early NHS doctors and the media often mischaracterised sickle cell. Migrants from Africa and the Caribbean were expected to be staff, not patients, and some newspapers blamed them for “bringing” SCD to Britain. Racist myths spread; for example, MPs even raised the question of banning black blood donors over “risk” of sickle cell.
In the 1950s–60s the far-right press fuelled fear that SCD was infectious and tied to race. Black nurses were even scapegoated, accused of passing sickle cell to patients. Many people with SCD in the 1960s were too afraid to tell friends or family about their illness. Black nursing staff in the NHS remember feeling powerless and sidelined against rigid hierarchies. Training on genetic counselling and sickle cell simply did not exist. This structural racism meant patients often received no official support while white doctors and officials looked the other way.
For decades sickle cell sufferers in Britain were treated as second-class patients. Doctors saw it as a “niche” condition and told Black patients in agony that they were drug addicts. A modern report notes that many people with SCD are still denied pain relief in hospital; staff too often assume “as a Black person, they are simply drug seeking”. The 2021 No One’s Listening inquiry by MPs found “serious care failings” in A&E departments, a widespread lack of sickle cell knowledge, and frequent reports that negative attitudes toward sickle patients were underpinned by racism. Deep racial bias persists: SCD patients “report being treated with disrespect, not being believed or listened to” when in crisis. In short, structural racism and ignorance in the NHS have long compounded the physical suffering of sickle cell.
Key issues in sickle cell care today include:
Very limited treatments: only two NHS-approved drugs for SCD (versus five in the US).
Far too few specialist staff: about 0.5 specialist SCD nurses per 100 patients, compared to 2 per 100 for cystic fibrosis.
Major funding gaps: research funding for cystic fibrosis is roughly 2.5 times higher than for sickle cell.
A postcode lottery: emergency and specialist SCD services are concentrated in a few areas (mainly London/Manchester), so getting good care still “predominantly comes down to the prevalence of the disorder in your area”.
These disparities are symptoms of institutional neglect. Data from the NHS Race & Health Observatory (June 2025) confirms that people with sickle cell face stark inequities in care, research and treatment compared to other conditions like haemophilia or cystic fibrosis. For example, UK hospitalisations for pain crises are the highest in any country studied and many patients still prefer to manage pain at home after negative experiences. Sickle cell is now one of England’s fastest-growing genetic conditions, about 250 new cases a year, yet awareness and resources remain far behind need. Unless these systemic injustices are addressed, the same old patterns of neglect will continue.
Support has long come from within the Black community itself. Black pioneers laid the groundwork for today’s services.
Dr Neville Roy Clare (1946–2015), born in Jamaica but raised in London and he was diagnosed with sickle cell as a child, refused to stay silent about the disease.
In 1975 he founded OSCAR (Organisation for Sickle Cell Anaemia Research), the UK’s first sickle cell charity. OSCAR provided medical advice, education and community support where the NHS had none. His grassroots activism became a template for all later UK and European SCD support groups.
Likewise, Professor Dame Elizabeth Nneka Anionwu (born 1947) broke new ground.
In 1979 she became the UK’s first sickle-cell nurse specialist and co-founded the Brent Sickle Cell Centre. Anionwu later trained generations of nurses in culturally sensitive genetic counselling. Professor Dame Elizabeth Nneka Anionwu devoted her careers to better care and to challenging racism in medicine.
This legacy reminds us why Sickle Cell Awareness Month is so important. Each September offers a chance to honour these trailblazers and to educate the public and health service about sickle cell. Awareness campaigns spotlight the ongoing inequities: for example, by noting the lack of treatments and specialist staff mentioned above, and by calling out the “postcode lottery” in access to care.
During Sickle Cell Awareness Month, BLAM UK and allied organisations urge the NHS to act on these facts. The history is clear: Empire and institutional racism shaped sickle cell neglect. We know how to fix it! through proper funding, specialist training, and community-informed care.
Awareness month is a time for the Black British community to share knowledge, honour the work of Dr Neville, Dame Anionwu and others, and demand change. By centring Black voices and scholarship, we challenge old prejudices. In the words of the 2021 inquiry, we must ensure “no one’s listening” becomes “everyone’s responsibility” – so that people with sickle cell finally get the equal, compassionate care they deserve.
In Britain and around the world, people are rethinking the words we use to describe identity. Terms like “ethnic minority” or BAME (Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic) have long been used to label Black and brown communities. But today these terms are being challenged and a new phrase, “Global Majority,” is gaining ground.
Coined by Black British educator Rosemary Campbell-Stephens MBE, “Global Majority” flips the script on old labels. It’s about decolonising language and reclaiming power through words.
Origins of the Term Global Majority.
The term global majority was introduced to acknowledge a simple but powerful fact: collectively, people of African, Asian, Middle Eastern, Latin American, Indigenous and mixed heritage represent the vast majority of humanity. In fact, roughly 85% of the world’s population comes from these backgrounds.
This concept of Global Majority was brought to prominence by Rosemary Campbell-Stephens in the early 2000s. As part of a London education initiative, she began using “Global Majority” in 2003 to help reframe how we see leadership and diversity.
Campbell-Stephens wanted those who had been minoritised by society to realize their numerical and cultural strength. By adopting this term, she aimed to empower Black and brown communities with a mindset of belonging and confidence on a global scale.
Rejecting “Minority” and “BAME” Labels.
Why move away from terms like “minority” or BAME? For one, these old labels carry a negative weight. Being called an “ethnic minority” in a predominantly white country can make people feel less important or outside of the norm. It frames white people as the standard and everyone else as “other”. Using a blanket acronym like BAME has also proven unsatisfactory – it lumps diverse groups into one vague category.
Many individuals feel that BAME is not representative of their identity or experiences. It’s a catch-all that hides real differences. Crucially, such terminology hints at a white/non-white divide and keeps whiteness as the implied default standard
As Campbell-Stephens wrote, continuing to use acronyms like BAME “limits the capacity to have honest, authentic, non-coded conversations about race and racism”.
In other words, these labels can cloud the discussion and even create a “limiting mindset” for those who are labelled minorities. People can internalise the idea of being minor or marginal when in truth their communities are globally prevalent and vibrant.
Change is underway. In 2020, Rosemary Campbell-Stephens penned a think piece arguing that we must decolonise the language around race. She vowed to keep using the “demographically accurate and empowering” term Global Majority until everyone else caught up. And indeed, others have begun to catch up.
In November 2022, Westminster City Council in London officially announced it would stop using “BAME” and instead adopt “Global Majority” in its communications. This was a landmark move by a local government to be more inclusive, and it echoed the call that Campbell-Stephens made nearly two decades earlier. It shows that what starts as a radical idea can eventually become new common sense.
Decolonising Language, Changing Perspectives.
The push to use global majority is part of a broader effort to decolonise language. Decolonising language means actively challenging old terms imposed by colonial histories and replacing them with words that centre the perspective of Black and Indigenous peoples and other communities of colour. It recognises that language is deeply connected to power. When we change the words, we change the narrative. For people who have long been labelled minorities, adopting the term global majority can be a profoundly liberating shift.
Language and Power.
Words shape our reality. They influence who holds power and who feels visible or invisible. Referring to Black and brown communities as the global majority is an intentional act of empowerment.
It tells young people from these communities that they are inheritors of the world, not just a footnote in it. Rosemary Campbell-Stephens’s work illustrates the impact of this change. By reframing language in education and leadership, she has helped dispel the myth of minority inferiority and replace it with a narrative of majority strength. In the end, embracing the term global majority is about more than political correctness – it’s about power and pride.
It’s about recognising that the people once called “minorities” are in fact the majority of the globe, with rich histories and contributions. Decolonising language in this way helps to break down the old hierarchies that language upheld. It allows for more honest conversations about race, racism, and equity, and it invites everyone to see the world from a truly global perspective.
In summary, language is power.
The words we choose can either reinforce old colonial ideas or help dismantle them. By rejecting terms that diminish and embracing terms that empower, we change the story. The rise of “global majority” shows how a radical Black perspective on language can spark a wider change in mindset. When people start calling themselves (and each other) the global majority, they reclaim dignity and strength. They also send a message: we will define ourselves, rather than be defined by a legacy of colonisation. This shift in language – from minority to majority, from othered to empowered – is a small revolution of words that can lead to a bigger revolution in how we understand identity, power, and belonging. As Rosemary Campbell-Stephens and others have taught us, changing our language can indeed change how we see ourselves and the world around us.
Further Reading.
For those who want to explore more, here are some key resources:
Rosemary Campbell-Stephens – Educational Leadership and the Global Majority: Decolonising Narratives (2021): The foundational book on the concept, showing how Global Majority thinking can transform leadership and education.
Rosemary Campbell-Stephens – “Global Majority: Decolonising the language and reframing the conversation about Race” (2020): A powerful think piece on why we must reject terms like BAME.
Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o – Decolonising the Mind (1986): A classic on how language was used as a weapon of empire, and why reclaiming our words is key to decolonisation.
Gurminder Bhambra, Dalia Gebrial & Kerem Nişancıoğlu (eds.) – Decolonising the University (2018): Essays on transforming education in the heart of empire.
Bell hooks – Teaching to Transgress (1994): A radical vision of teaching as a practice of freedom, centring marginalised voices.
Kehinde Andrews – Back to Black (2018): A retelling of Black radicalism that speaks directly to our time.
Paul Gilroy – There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack (1987): A groundbreaking study of race, nation and culture in Britain.
Reni Eddo-Lodge – Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race (2017): An accessible, essential book on the realities of racism in Britain.
Akala – Natives: Race and Class in the Ruins of Empire (2018): A sharp blend of history and lived experience that exposes how empire still shapes life in Britain today.
Every year, as summer peaks in August, Black communities around the world observe Black August, a month-long reflection on Black resistance, revolution, and the enduring fight for liberation. Unlike festive celebrations, Black August is solemn and purposeful: it began in the late 1970s among Black activists and prisoners in California, intended as a time to honour fallen freedom fighters and political prisoners and to educate communities about the long history of Black rebellion
The aim is to channel the spirit of past revolutionaries – to learn from their struggles and carry on their legacy. Black August reminds us that the story of Black liberation is not confined to one country or one era, but is truly global and continuous.
Why August?
August holds a special place in Black history. The saying goes that “the month of August bursts at the seams with histories of Black resistance”. Indeed, many pivotal Black uprisings and milestones occurred in August. To name a few: the Haitian Revolution ignited on 21 August 1791, when enslaved Africans in Haiti (then Saint-Domingue) revolted against French colonial rule. This uprising grew into a 13-year revolutionary war that abolished slavery and led to Haiti’s independence as the first Black republic in 1804. Haiti’s victory – the only successful slave revolt in modern history – sent shockwaves through the colonial world. It proved that enslaved Black people could defeat empires, inspiring hope and fear in equal measure.
Fast forward to August 1955 in the United States: the brutal racist murder of Emmett Till on August 28, 1955, galvanised the civil rights movement. August 1965 saw the Watts Rebellion in Los Angeles, a fiery protest against police brutality and injustice.
Even Black August itself was inspired by events in August, notably the prison rebellion led by George Jackson, a Black Panther, which culminated in his assassination on 21 August 1971. August, therefore, is a month of martyrs and milestones on the long road to freedom.
By dedicating this month to reflection, Black August connects the dots between these events, asserting that they form part of an “unbroken line of resistance and sacrifice” in Black history.
Global Black Resistance: Beyond Borders.
A core principle of Black August is to study Black resistance throughout the diaspora. This means looking beyond our local or national history and understanding that Black people’s struggle against oppression has been worldwide. For Black British communities, educators and Black youth in particular; this global perspective is powerful and affirming. It teaches that our ancestors did not endure brutality passively; time and again, they fought back and reshaped history.
For instance, consider the Baptist War of 1831 in Jamaica. Enslaved Africans, led by preacher Samuel Sharpe, organised a general strike and uprising demanding freedom. It became the largest slave rebellion in the British Caribbean, involving some 60,000 people.
Though the colonial forces brutally crushed the revolt and executed hundreds, the rebels achieved something monumental: their resistance accelerated the abolition of slavery. British authorities, shaken by the scale of the uprising, passed legislation to emancipate enslaved people across the Empire just a few years later, by 1838. In other words, enslaved Black Jamaicans were not passive beneficiaries of abolition – they were agents of their own liberation, forcing the issue through direct action. This is a crucial lesson for young people: our freedom was hard-won by our own people’s courage.
Travel to the African continent and you’ll find similar stories.
In Kenya, the 1950s Mau Mau rebellion saw forest fighters and villagers resist British colonialism in a quest to reclaim their land and rights. The British authorities responded with mass detention camps and violence, but could not extinguish the thirst for freedom. The uprising is widely seen as a key stepping stone to Kenya’s independence in 1963.
In Ethiopia, in 1896, the Battle of Adwa became a legendary example of Black resistance: Ethiopian forces, under Emperor Menelik II, defeated an invading Italian army, ensuring that Ethiopia remained independent. This victory was celebrated across Africa and the Black world. Finally, a non-European nation had halted the juggernaut of colonial conquest. It gave hope to anti-colonial movements everywhere.
In Somalia, between 1899 and 1920, Mohammed Abdullah Hassan’s Dervish movement waged one of the longest anti-colonial wars in African history. For 21 years, Hassan’s guerrilla fighters defied the British and Italians, establishing a Dervish state in the process, until the resistance was put down by force. Such episodes, often left out of mainstream narratives, show that Black resistance was not rare – it was constant.
Why Teaching This Matters
For Black youth, learning about global resistance is empowering. It counters the Eurocentric narrative that paints colonised or enslaved people as victims who waited to be “saved” by others. Instead, these stories centre Black heroes: men and women who organised secret meetings, risked their lives, and sometimes paid the ultimate price to challenge injustice.
This fosters a sense of pride and possibility. If Dessalines, Sharpe, Nanny of the Maroons, Dedan Kimathi, or the countless unnamed fighters could stand up in their time, what can we do in ours?
It also nurtures solidarity. Black people’s struggles, whether in America, the Caribbean, Africa, or Europe, have common threads. Recognising this shared history of resistance helps build a sense of global Black unity. A Black British teenager tracing the story of the Haitian Revolution, or a Black American student learning about the Mau Mau, may see reflections of their own community’s struggles and victories. It’s a reminder that we are part of a bigger family and a continuous fight.
Teaching global Black resistance injects a radical awareness into education. It encourages young people to question why these histories were marginalised in the first place.
Why did we hear so little about the Haitian Revolution in school?
Why do mainstream history books gloss over colonial crimes and the rebellions against them?
Such critical questioning is itself an act of resistance against a curriculum that often sanitises or omits Black agency.
In the UK, Black history is often reduced to a few figures or the narrative of abolition led by white saviours, so incorporating global Black resistance into education is a radical act of truth-telling. It tells young Black Brits that their heritage is not just one of oppression, but also of heroism and innovation in fighting oppression. It’s an heritage that links them to freedom fighters in Jamaica, revolutionaries in Haiti, anti-colonial warriors in Africa, and civil rights activists in America. This knowledge can inspire confidence and a deeper understanding of identity.
We remember Joy Gardner, a 40 year old Jamaican student in London, who was killed by police during a dawn deportation raid in July 1993. Officers handcuffed her, bound her with leather straps and gagged her with 13 ft of surgical tape until she collapsed. Joy suffered catastrophic brain damage from asphyxia and died in hospital four days later. An official inquest later ruled her death a “misadventure”, and no officer was ever held accountable.
Joy had come to Britain legally in 1987 and was studying media at London Guildhall University. By 1993 she was fighting to stay in the country, but immigration authorities decided to remove her. On 28 July 1993, immigration officials, backed by Metropolitan Police, raided Joy’s north London home. They forced her to the floor and, despite her pleas and five-year-old son in the room, they wrapped her head in tape and straps. She lost consciousness and fell into a coma. Four days later, doctors pronounced her dead from respiratory failure.
Soon after Joy’s death, community protests erupted under banners reading “Murdered by police – No justice, no peace.” But the criminal justice system failed her. In 1995, three officers were tried for manslaughter, and a judge even acquitted one, while a jury cleared the other two. The inquest concluded “misadventure”, treating her death as a tragic accident rather than the result of deliberate cruelty. In the end, no one was punished for Joy’s death.
Has anything changed since Joy’s death?
Officials’ own reports suggest the answer is “no.” In January 2024 the head of Britain’s police chiefs, Gavin Stephens, publicly acknowledged that policing still suffers “institutional racism”. He noted that decades of policies were made without Black people’s voices, yielding “disproportionate outcomes” for Black communities. Independent analyses underline this reality: Black people are just 3% of the UK population, yet they account for 8% of recorded deaths in police custody. One legal expert observed that since 1969 only one UK police officer has ever been convicted for a death in custody. In other words, police can kill with near-total impunity.
State violence is not “just an American problem.” Official data confirms deep bias. An Inquest report (Feb 2023) found Black people were seven times more likely to die after police restraint than whites.
Almost no officer is ever held to account: as one review bluntly notes, “no officer has ever been found to have acted in a racist or discriminatory way” in any fatal police-contact case. In short, British policing still operates within a white supremacist framework, from stop-and-search to use of force, despite repeated promises of reform.
The Hostile Environment and the Windrush Scandal.
State racism extends beyond policing into immigration policy. The Windrush scandal of the 2010s is a stark example. Thousands of British Caribbean people, many of them long-term legal residents, were suddenly classified as “illegal” by the Home Office. They lost jobs, homes and even freedom under Theresa May’s “hostile environment” rules. A leaked official report later admitted the ugly truth: for thirty years, UK immigration laws were explicitly designed to limit Black (and other non-white) immigration.
Every Act from 1962 to 1981 aimed to reduce the number of people with “black or brown skin” allowed into Britain. That is the racist DNA of today’s system – meaning Caribbean and African families have lived under a constant cloud of suspicion.
32 years after Joy Gardner’s death, Britain still has a racism problem.
Black lives in the UK continue to face the same indifference to injustice that Joy did. Until every officer is accountable, every death in custody is investigated, and every policy is free of racial bias, we will keep saying her name. Joy Gardner.
In this blog post, we will be looking at Black Makeup Artists in the UK who stand out and are well accomplished, on a national or international level. We love and support our talented service providers, and we will be showing appreciation for their dedication to the arts. A glimpse at looks that have caused quite the commotion, viral moments, and all levels of work, from editorial to runway, to bridal, to Instagram. Let the art speak for itself!
Black British makeup artists have long shaped beauty trends, drawing inspiration from pageant queens and global icons. From bold ‘90s lip liners to today’s inclusive foundation ranges, their artistry reflects cultural shifts. As Black women gained recognition in UK pageants, makeup evolved to celebrate diverse skin tones. This history highlights the resilience and creativity of Black beauty in Britain. Including:
Patricia Southall (Miss England 1978) – One of the first Black women to compete in Miss England.
Rachel Christie (Miss England 2009) – The first Black woman to win the title. She was an athlete and niece of Olympic sprinter Linford Christie.
Leila Lopes (Miss Universe 2011) – While representing Angola, she made waves in UK media for breaking Eurocentric beauty standards.
Dee-Ann Kentish-Rogers (Miss Universe Great Britain 2018) – The first Black woman to hold this title. She later became a politician in Anguilla
There will be a follow up segment released next month on viral influencers and black make-up brands who are at the heart of the UK makeup scene: putting UK-black girl-makeup on the map, and the OG YouTube girls perfecting the bright under-eye we all love today. UK-girls are known for masterfully beating their face, and it slaying… these are allegations that we are not trying to beat.
Painted by Esther
First on the list is Ngozi Edeme also known as Painted by Esther, known for her pink blush that can be spotted a mile away with a seamless blend. Her hands have touched many faces being featured with supermodels at award shows and on red carpets. She has crafted a way to bring out a range of colour while working on darker skintone. With 102k followers on instagram and big names under her belt Naomi Campbell, Viola Davis, Nara smith, and Gabrielle union. As someone whose dedication is seen in every stroke of her brush and every dab of her beauty blender.
Pat McGrath’s amazing ‘glass skin’ look, which went viral from the Maison Margiela 2024 artisanal show by John Galliano, where models were made to look like porcelain dolls.
In her 25-plus year career, Pat McGrath has been responsible for the makeup on models featured on over 500 magazine covers. Her work has been featured in the world’s most prestigious fashion magazines, including: American Vogue, British Vogue, French Vogue, W Magazine, Harper’s Bazaar, i-D magazine and so much more.
Renowned for her visionary work in high-fashion runway shows and editorial shoots, McGrath has consistently pushed the boundaries of makeup artistry.
Now, the Creative Director of cosmetics for LV (Louis Vuitton), her influence extends even further.
She also has a makeup line called Pat McGrath Labs, and the reviews don’t do it justice! With over 6 million followers: it’s privately held and is valued at $1 billion, a testament to her years of skill and dedication, McGrath’s emphasis on luminous skin and her fearless creativity continue to inspire aspiring MUAs. As she wisely states, ‘Trusting your instincts is essential,’ and ‘Staying true to your vision is key.’ She encourages us all to ’embrace every opportunity as a chance to learn and grow,’ reminding us that every step, every experience, contributes to our journey. And in a career where creativity is paramount, she urges us to ‘be fearless in your creativity.’ Her own journey stands as a powerful example, demonstrating that with dedication, passion, and a genuine love for the art, you too can achieve remarkable things
A makeup artist who knows a little about lifestyle, providing us with glimpses into her amazing outfits, red carpet looks, and serving more than her occupation. When it comes to balance and showing more than your brand online, Bernicia has a standalone, thriving social influencer career, as well as a talent that makes her the absolute best.
Bernicia Boateng, a London-based makeup artist with Ghanaian heritage, grew up in London. Her passion for makeup began at the age of 19, practicing her skills on friends. Her expertise and artistry guide her red carpet and editorial approach. She has celebrity clientele, including Michaela Coel, Jodie Turner-Smith, and Da’Vine Joy Randolph, demonstrating her exceptional talent, which has also graced the pages of prestigious publications like Vogue and The New York Times.
Notably, Boateng launched her own studio in 2018 focusing on helping people from London who are on lower income, she wants to ‘make beauty treatment just as accessible, and her influence has been recognised with a place on the Forbes 30 Under 30 Arts & Culture list in 2020, as well as being named one of London’s most powerful black fashion creatives in 2023.
She isn’t just a makeup artist; she’s a lifestyle influencer, showcasing her fashion sense and red carpet looks, thus blending beauty and fashion. She’s built a significant online presence, demonstrating a strong understanding of branding and social media engagement, which allows her to have a thriving social influencer career. Her work often merges beauty and fashion, showcasing her ability to create complex looks that go beyond just makeup application. She has experience creating looks for red carpet events, indicating a high level of skill and attention to detail. Bernicia has built her brand to include multiple areas of expertise, displaying a strong entrepreneurial spirit in the beauty and lifestyle industries.”
Known for her eyeshadow and skinny brows (some might say anorexically thin, but she totally pulls it off), her back-to-back viral moments and 105k followers on instagram, trust that you’ve definitely seen her work even if you didn’t realise it! Arya Starr’s viral headband look for Balenciaga was a MOMENT we shall treasure. Makeup by Chelsea’s recent viral work includes Doechii’s three back-to-back looks during Paris Fashion Week, crafted minutes apart. Bringing the art of makeup backstage and putting it on wheels… have we just discovered a new extreme sport? Well, if we have, trust Chelsea would win gold every time! She even tweeted that she did that viral smokey eye look in 10 minutes… in a moving car!! Making Waves, her most recent Declaration is a White eye shadow for the 2025 summer!!
Next up on this list is Beauty By Gbemi, a Nigerian, Black British content creator and beauty influencer who has been slaying the makeup game since 2015! From flawless beats to stunning hair transformations, Gbemi has built a powerhouse presence in the beauty space.
With an impressive 190,000+ YouTube subscribers, she’s not just a beauty enthusiast, she’s a go-to expert for hair lovers everywhere! Whether it’s the latest wig installs, styling tips, or must-have product reviews, Bemi keeps her audience hooked with her engaging content and expert advice. There is more to her story Gbemi stance is enhance your natural beauty its the key ethos of her Business: Youtube videos that are fan faves include Make up looks from 8 years ago that has reached 911k views
The UK based international MUA: She has Beat the faces of Jayda Wayda, Patricia Bright, Eva Apio, Dess Dior, Unclewaffles: Trust that the face cards never decline when Glam by Maurella is done with them.
Maurella keeps beauty effortless yet flawless! Unlike some artists who focus on over-the-top editorial looks, she specialises in soft glam, sultry smoky eyes, and red-carpet-ready full glam; perfect for both everyday wear and high-profile events. Whether it’s a bridal moment, a photoshoot, or just a night out, her artistry ensures a polished, camera-ready finish. Her services are designed for everyday people, making high-quality glam attainable and approachable. With a pricing range of £85-£105 for makeup services and in-depth lessons starting from £300-£500, she provides both affordability and expertise.
With 35K Instagram followers and a solid reputation, Maurella has cultivated a growing community that values her artistry. She stays drama-free, letting her work and client satisfaction speak for itself. In a recent campaign with Celsius featuring Declan Rice, she provided grooming services for him. For those looking for a trustworthy, talented, and accessible MUA, Glam by Maurella is one to watch!
Arikeartistry:
Artistry done right is her slogan, and we can clearly see why! With a focus on skin and the importance of skin care and prep first to achieve a better base, the work speaks for itself but let me add captions to further establish her true craftsmanship. She has a following of around 26 thousand people on Instagram and displays a range of looks on her page, her notable soft glam and full glam looks tailored to the shape of each person’s face, choosing product placement and shades that bring out the best looks for each client. Her services are designed for everyday people, making high-quality glam accessible.
Here is a break down of products used on the this face:
Recently featured in a British Vogue article titled ‘How to make your foundation last all day..’ . An Mua known best for her bridal looks. Bringing Grooms to tears as the bride takes that step down the aisle, is a flex not everyone can claim. It takes trust and openness on both sides to achieve the dream look. As part of the key people on the big day, you need to be confident and calm as you do your best work. Ranti stated that her favorite bridal look is this one highlighted below and we can see why :
Solange did her big one, her absolute best when adding her touch to these faces, multifaceted in her capabilities the potential when you sit in her chair, are endless one thing that is guaranteed a great lay and a Face card that won’t decline any time soon, AMEX has nothing on BeautybySolange. Based in South London, she offers Masterclasses and has worked with hosts, reality TV stars, influencers, and talented individuals as they attend awards shows. In front of many cameras whether on the stage or on your ‘FYP’ [For You Page] the beat by Beauty by Solange is awe-worthy and worth every like.
As we conclude this blog, I have to shout out the amazing MUAs who took a risk and started their business. There are so many steps involved, behind-the-scenes struggles, countless days of turning up after burnout, and a work-life balance that is at times non-existent. These amazing businesswomen wear many hats—from managing brand image, social booking systems, and emails, to monitoring DMs. The story behind each page featured in this blog, shows dedication and a love for their craft and the work they do!
Thank you for reading and check out BLAM UK on twitter and Instagram we would love to hear your thoughts.
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